I II

MEMOIRS OF
THE DUCHESSE DE DINO

THE MARQUISE DE CASTELLANE

III

IV

V

CONTENTS

VIII
1

MEMOIRS OF THE
DUCHESSE DE DINO

CHAPTER I
1841

Rochecotte, January 1, 1841.—Yesterday passed by uneventfully. In the morning I had mass said in my chapel for the late M. de Quélen, and shed heartfelt tears during the service. In the evening my son Alexander, my son-in-law and Pauline gave us some music. They sang vaudevilles and mimicked characters with a vivacity which delighted me, as I am always afraid that they may be bored here, though I admit that their frame of mind was in complete contrast to my own. On the stroke of midnight punch was served; some tears fell into my glass when I thought of those with whom I had so often spent this anniversary.

Rochecotte, January 2, 1841.—M. de Salvandy writes to me as follows concerning the reception of M. Molé at the Academy: "M. Molé spoke to a magnificent audience. He was seated between M. de Royer Collard and M. de Chateaubriand; on this occasion the latter broke his usual custom of avoiding public appearances. It was a special honour, either to M. Molé or to the memory of the late archbishop. The highest society from the Faubourg Saint Germain were there, in fact all the special friends of M. Molé and everybody who can be called anybody nowadays. M. Molé was continually applauded, and his cleverness, his taste and courageous speaking well deserved this reward. He gave a 2 fair and respectful account of this pure and noble character and spoke of M. de Quélen without concessions or reticence or consideration for his own position. His ambition seems to have burnt its boats, with such enthusiasm did he speak of old time manners and society and so warmly did he emphasise the ideas and principles of good order. He only touched upon present times to utter a eulogy upon the King, and you know that present times are not agreeable to him. I was especially struck by the vigorous approval of the audience; it was a public rehabilitation of the persecuted Prelate and the canonisation of his memory by a layman before a public which was not entirely sympathetic or legitimist; for there was a lively manifestation of approval at certain passages in Dupin's reply, opposing the Restoration and the Englishman. Dupin's answer was quite characteristic, and I need say no more of it. M. Guizot and M. Thiers seem to have foreseen the success of M. Molé, for they did not appear and their absence was widely commented upon. In short, this session has greatly raised M. Molé in the opinion and esteem of right-minded people, but it has been in particular a great day for the memory of the Archbishop, for his family and his friends, and for those who felt his blessing as he was at the point of death. For this reason I hasten, Madame, to give you an account of it, as by this means I can realise its meaning more exactly and more deeply than if I had merely listened.

"M. Guizot has informed me of the nature of the despatches received from St. Petersburg, from Vienna and from London, which are in all respects excellent. There is a desire to bring France back to the concert of Europe, a readiness to make advances and to seek means and opportunity. Peace is restored and I should be inclined to say, more than peace."

I am delighted at M. Molé's success which I foretold to him when he read me his speech at Paris in September; and am delighted not only on his account, but also because he has done something to restore the reputation of this holy Archbishop, who was so misjudged during his lifetime.

3 Rochecotte, January 3, 1841.—Yesterday I received many letters from Paris which repeat practically what M. de Salvandy wrote concerning M. Molé's speech at the Academy. M. Dupin seems to have been quite unspeakable, and in short, entirely himself; M. Royer Collard grumbled throughout his speech and said, "This speech is sheer carnage." In fact the dead lay in heaps beneath Dupin's destroying charge. Noticeable were the thunders of applause when he inveighed against the revelation of state secrets, a direct thrust at M. Molé; but a most dramatic point, I am told, was Dupin's gesture in recalling the fact that a Molé, as an alderman of Troyes, had helped Charles VII. to drive out the English. His gesture and pose called forth repeated bursts of applause. Fortunately the diplomatic body were not present. It is a strange sight to see Dupin inveighing against the coalition of which he was a member.

M. Molé should be fully satisfied with his triumph, which has been complete, striking, brilliant and unusual. On this question M. Royer Collard writes as follows:—"No doubt more than one correspondent has told you of M. Molé's triumph, for such was the nature of his success, before a numerous and brilliant audience. I was glad to hear the speech which you and I have known for some time. If it is not an artistic production, it is the work of a clever man who has known better times than these and who has retained good traditions. The defects were not obvious; his courage appeared so natural that it was unnoticed; the beauties of it, which were by no means small, were understood and fully appreciated. M. de Quélen has shared the honour of the day, in truth it is he who has really triumphed, to such an extent did the audience share this solemn work of rehabilitation. I saw the most hard-hearted shedding tears. As M. Affre did not think of his predecessor, no one thought of him. M. de Quélen has carried the archbishopric of Paris to his tomb; there is not and will never be another archbishop; this striking and mournful glory is his."

I am extremely delighted at this posthumous triumph, as I have every reason to be, for I honoured, supported, cared 4 for and perhaps even consoled the subject of it during his lifetime.

M. Molé's speech contains some admirable lines referring to the Cardinal of Périgord.

Before sessions of the Academy are held, speeches are by rule examined by a committee of members who act as censors and decide whether any passages should be struck out. M. Dupin did not conscientiously carry out this arrangement and his speech in public was not that which left the hands of the committee. It is expected that next Thursday when there is a special meeting of the Academy, explanations of the fact will be demanded. Mignet, who was present at the public session, is said to have been in a very bad temper and the newspapers of M. Thiers are preparing to fulminate against Dupin.

It is said that Mgr. Affre has proposed to change his cathedral precentors without calling a meeting of the Chapter; that the Chapter met to discuss the question; and that Mgr. Affre, when he heard of it, made a great uproar and forbade any meeting unless authorised by himself. New Year's Day then arrived. The Chapter have been accustomed to meet to send congratulations to the Archbishop: his prohibition was positive; they therefore did not meet, and have not congratulated the Archbishop. The result will be some new storm, for Mgr. Affre is a stormy character. The Sacré Cœur had much difficulty in securing permission to say a mass for Mgr. de Quélen at the end of the year; however, permission was granted, and there was a suffocating crowd.

Rochecotte, January 5, 1841.—For twenty hours snow has been falling steadily. We are absolutely buried under this thick shroud. One might be living in the north with all its horrible cold, and it is impossible to go out. All communications will be cut off, though the storm should last only a few hours. What a winter it is!

Rochecotte, January 7, 1841.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven, in which the main points are as follows: "Things in general seem to me to be going better, 5 though security is not absolutely certain. Have I written to you since the news from St. Petersburg arrived? Do not believe the exaggerations of certain newspapers on the point, but believe what is true, that the tone of the last communications is quite proper; that Russia is sincerely anxious to see France return to the concert of Europe, and is hoping that the present Ministry will remain in office. This demonstration, which experts consider to be more friendly than any that has been made at St. Petersburg, has caused much pleasure here and some anxiety to the English. There is no further development at present. At London attempts are being made to find a point of junction with France which is everywhere desired. Can you think of one? Jerusalem. Jerusalem delivered from the yoke of the infidels! Jerusalem, a Christian town, open to all Christian worship; a free town guaranteed as such by Christianity! What do you think of this? I should much like to see it. Is it likely that so simple an idea and so easy to perform could be rejected, for if ever the idea is carried out, it could be to-day. Lord Melbourne will probably laugh at it and Lord Palmerston too.

"The opening of Parliament has caused much discussion. It is said that Peel and the Radicals will easily overthrow the Ministry, but I see no reason for it at this moment. Time will show.

"The Academy meeting caused a twenty-four hours' sensation. M. Molé enjoyed a great triumph. I was unable to hear his speech and it reads to me a trifle forced; such is also the impression of many people, and it has even been called somewhat insignificant. About M. Dupin's speech I have nothing to say. From the point of propriety it speaks for itself, but it amused me. My taste, however, is not particularly good.

"I hope you will make no mistake about the conclusion of the Egyptian question. Whatever happens, Mehemet Ali will preserve the pashalik as hereditary in his family; but what a conflict of opinions among the sailors, the Ambassador and the Minister of Foreign Affairs!

6 "I am told, my dear Duchesse, that the King of Prussia is a little strange in his conduct, that the fact is remarked among his people, that his popularity is rapidly declining, and that the old King is more regretted every day."

Rochecotte, January 12, 1841.—M. de Salvandy writes as follows: "I think that the Powers are seriously looking for an opportunity and an excuse to bring us back to the concert of Europe. The declarations of Prince Metternich; the Russian despatch with its unusual expressions concerning the wisdom of the King and his services to Europe, the desire to come to an understanding with his Government; and the sentiments, too, of Prussia, which are more French and less Russian than ever, are providing food for reflection in England. Lord Palmerston is finding his course more difficult than he expected. The Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert Peel will propose amendments; it is said that these amendments will be in favour of France and will pass, and the Tories seem certain on the point. I cannot believe it. It is impossible to think that the real successes of Palmerston throughout the Asiatic continent from St. Jean d'Acre as far as China, should mark the date and the reason of his fall. In any case it is certain that England, both as a government and as a nation, is concerned with the question of our isolation and of our liberty of action.

"Here the question of fortifications takes precedence of everything else. It has been simplified by M. Thiers' resolution to make no proposal without the approval of the Government. He abandons or modifies his amendments according to the desires of the Cabinet and so the struggle will not be in that direction. Victory or failure will be shared by MM. Thiers and Guizot. However, by a strange change of opinion M. Guizot seems to be threatened at the outset of this proposed plan. MM. de Lamartine, Passy and Dufaure, forty votes on the Left, together with Tracy and Garnier-Pagès, in short, fifty votes at least will be against the proposal. People are also asking whether Marshal Soult is not against the idea. His position seems somewhat obscure. People wonder whether the objections which he offered to the 7 detached forts in 1833, to the compromise and the continuous circuit walls proposed in 1840, are not more prominent in his mind than any other interest; whether he does not expect to advance his views by rejecting half the law which might easily end in the overthrow of the whole, and also of the oratorical party in the Cabinet, bound as they are to support their project in its entirety. People are also wondering whether this last result is not the object which the parliamentary strategy of the Marshal has in view. The Prince Royal, whom I saw yesterday, seems uneasy on the point. But what then can be the idea in the background? Can it be a combination of Passy and Dufaure, with Passy as the Minister of Foreign Affairs? This would be to restore the Ministry of May 2, which would not act upon the first occasion and will be no more possible now that it is dead. A combination of Soult and Molé is very unlikely; and finally, will M. Molé come forth from his ruins? All this is very obscure. M. Molé is very touchy. There are too many people who would regard adherence as an honourable confession of error. In any case it is certain that M. Guizot's prospects are impaired and that even at the Tuileries the chances of his overthrow are regarded as more probable than they would formerly have been. It is noticed that he makes no mention of London. Can he have reached the point when he begins to doubt of success, though he never doubted it before, and to consider the possibilities of a retreat?

"Rambuteau yesterday held a house-warming in his new rooms in the Hotel de Ville. They are magnificent and are characterised by splendour, luxury and good taste: the paintings, the ornaments and the furniture are admirable; it is pleasant to see an object worthy of praise and since we are now under the electoral régime I am glad to see that it can produce something at least that is earmarked by good taste and a certain grandeur. It is curious to see the town of Paris treat its Prefect in this way. Let us hope that this will pave the way for the kings.

"M. Pasquier has been greatly disappointed that he has 8 not been elected to the Academy in place of M. Pastoret. He had great hopes, but the candidature of M. de Sainte Aulaire was too well supported. He is keeping himself for the place held by the Bishop of Hermopolis. [1] Is it not remarkable, Madame, that at his age a man should think of inheriting anything, and should still have ambition, holding the rank he does?"

Rochecotte, January 18, 1841.—Madame de Lieven writes from Paris as follows the day before yesterday: "Madame de Nesselrode is full of the great men of France, and has certainly come to Paris chiefly to see them. M. Eynard of Geneva has them on show; he invites Madame de Nesselrode to dinner with each of them alternately. I do not think he has missed one so far, except Garnier-Pagès.

"The Queen of England's speech is awaited here with some curiosity. People are wondering whether she will say anything suitable in view of the situation here. There is no inclination in Paris to diverge from the line of conduct that has been decided upon; an armed peace, quiet expectation and isolation, threatening no one, neither disturbed nor disturbing. Our neighbours, however, are anxious, and would like to see this state of suspense at an end. Lord Palmerston's obstinacy drives them to despair, for it is but too true that he is the real governor of Europe. Some means of forming a connection for France must somehow be found, and an intermediary has not yet been discovered. It is certain that the Pasha's position will be made hereditary.

"France has made peace with Buenos Aires, and Rosas, the tyrant of this republic, has been appointed ambassador here and will arrive in the spring. England will arrange the difference between Spain and Portugal.

"Conversation is concerned with nothing but fortifications; it is not quite clear whether the Chamber is in favour of them. The King on the one hand and M. Thiers on the other, are taking infinite trouble over the question. The 9 Ministry will support the proposals but will not die of grief if they fail to pass.

"M. de Barante has been ordered to remain at St. Petersburg; some inclination to coquetry has been obvious in that quarter, but time alone will show whether any definite result will follow. M. de Lamartine had an audience of the King which lasted two hours and a half and is said to have been much impressed. He talks a great deal about it. The question of diplomatic changes will not arise until the matter of the fortifications has been settled."

I have the following news from Madame Mollien: "There is every readiness to support the law concerning the fortifications in the Tuileries, but considerable reluctance in the Chamber. The château is greatly obliged to M. Thiers for joining the general opinion in his report; he is anxious to reassure the Chamber as to his position. It is said that he is greatly wearied by his partisans of the Left and has had a lively scene with Odilon Barrot which reached the point of insults and in which he termed the journalists of the party "ruffians." The fact is that if this law does not pass, the thirty millions already expended, the works that have been begun, the private property that has been bought up, destroyed and ruined and the devastation of the Bois de Boulogne, would place him in a terrible position; and so he is as gentle as a lamb and sends his wife to the Tuileries. The Ministry would be content with what would cause him embarrassment; the château, on the other hand, is making common cause with him; thus the position is very complex. The Duc d'Orléans is in a bad temper: the recall of Marshal Valée which was issued in the course of two hours without any previous notice to himself, has greatly wounded his feelings; he does not like the idea of the Marshal's return because he is one of his personal enemies and he fears for the safety of Africa in the hands of Bugeaud. However, he is retiring somewhat more into the background in adherence to the wishes of the King, who is growing anxious about his successor, as Louis XIV. was about the Grand Dauphin. All our princes live like the Infantas of Spain, in loneliness 10 and obscurity. The Pavilion Marsan is nothing more than a wearisome convent; on the ground floor there is very little vivacity and equally little on the first floor. The King retains his imperial confidence in his star. He thinks less of M. Guizot than he did some time ago, and does not so much dread a change of Ministry."

Rochecotte, January 17, 1841.—The Duc de Noailles who came here yesterday, read this morning in the drawing-room half of the article which he has written upon Jansenism, which is to be inserted in the work he is preparing upon Madame de Maintenon. [2] This part of the book is written cleverly and clearly; at the same time I can criticise it for an excessive partiality to the Jansenists and a failure to observe a proper moderation of tone.

Rochecotte, February 1, 1841.—Yesterday I received this bulletin from M. de Salvandy: "Our Ministry is the feeblest, the most diminished and the most elusive that ever was seen. I do not know, Madame, whether I have told you what I have often told them, that there is only one danger for them; not the danger of supporting views which might be defeated, but of having no opinion at all, or even worse, of having two opinions. They have run straight upon the rocks with sublime carelessness, in consequence of Guizot's speeches and with utter foolishness in consequence of Marshal Soult's speech, while the general attitude and language drive them along most miserably. The truth is that as a matter of principle they brought forward their proposed law concerning the fortifications in defiance of the Marshal's opinion and opposed their military expert because they thought that public opinion was on their side. Since that time the position assumed by M. Thiers as a supporter of the bill has kept them awake and though they agreed with him in committee they were attempting to secure some means of checking him when he was with us in the Chamber. Schneider's amendment has been proposed with their support in opposition to M. Thiers and in agreement with 11 the Marshal against M. Guizot, with the support of another combination which is more or less public property. Thus M. Guizot has suddenly revised his opinion and after asking us to pass the law in his great speech with a significant phrase, he went round to the members three days ago and solemnly told us that he was opposed to it. The great success of M. Dufaure has again produced a change in these views, as people fear that the real strength of the opposition may lie in that quarter. Yesterday evening Thiers demanded that they should explain themselves. They asked for a night to think over the matter, but reflection will tell them nothing that can make such conduct worthy or politic. No question was ever so badly managed. They have succeeded in securing the protectorate of M. Thiers, in exasperating him by their obvious treachery and in separating MM. Passy and Dufaure, while also wounding the feelings of the Conservative party, the majority of which is ready to reject the great bulwark of M. Thiers. In any case, they are defeated, for they have conspired against all in turn. What will be the result of all this? Great discredit and deep divisions, if nothing else. I am going to the Chamber where I will try and write a postscript to describe the tone of the Cabinet and the vote of the Assembly, but I expect storms, and as I am acting as President in place of M. Sauzet, I must keep my hand upon the bag of Aeolus."

"Postscript from the Chamber.—The Marshal has made a speech of coarse and obvious duplicity which is setting the Chamber on fire. I have only time to send you my kind regards with this letter."

Rochecotte, February 2, 1841.—Yesterday's letters say nothing; the newspapers announce that Schneider's amendment has been rejected and that the forts and the continuous circuit wall will probably be adopted, notwithstanding the most inconceivable speech from Marshal Soult which was counterbalanced by the really clever speech of M. Guizot.

Rochecotte, February 4, 1841.—It was very cold yesterday but quite clear and I went for a walk with my son-in-law in the woods where there is always shelter in spite of the 12 absence of leaves. To-day it is snowing as if we were in Siberia. Last night the thermometer fell more than ten degrees. Winter has indeed begun again.

The newspapers tell us that the fortifications have been voted; even those who voted for them did not want them and it is difficult to know who has been duped in the whole business. One of the jests current in Paris is no longer to refer to Marshal Soult by his long-standing title of the Illustrious Sword, but to speak of him as the Illustrious Scabbard. This is not bad and tickled my fancy.

Rochecotte, February 5, 1841.—The following is the chief passage in a letter from the Comtesse Mollien: "So we are to have fortifications. In this very complicated question every one has been taken in and it is difficult to see who has gained an advantage apart from M. Thiers, whose delight, however, is largely qualified by the success of M. Guizot, for it is generally admitted that the Chamber of Deputies was carried away by his last and most admirable speech. It now remains to deal with the Chamber of Peers, which might show some obstinacy, according to rumour. This Chamber is quite in favour of outer forts at a greater or less distance in connection with one another, etc., but there will be some trouble in passing the proposal for a continuous circuit wall through that Chamber. You have doubtless seen from the articles in the Journal des Débats that this newspaper supported the law. The truth is very different; the real supporter is Auguste de Veaux, the son of Bertin de Veaux, who alone supported this view with such warmth that he outraged the policy of the newspaper against his father and uncle, who were no less warm supporters than himself of the contrary opinion, but eventually yielded to his youth and to his position as deputy. At the château there is general delight, but I think that too little trouble is taken to conceal the fact that the circuit wall is only the passport for the rest. M. Bertin de Veaux was saying the day before yesterday that this circuit wall was the tomb of Parisian civilisation until it became the tomb of the monarchy. It has certainly already become the tomb of general conversation; 13 people are wholly absorbed by it. Men and women, young and old, talk of nothing else and it is most wearisome and ridiculous.

"There has been a monster ball at the Tuileries. There will be no others: no select ball, but one concert and nothing else; only on the Monday festival there will be a small masked ball confined to the family and the households; the young people alone will be masked and ladies who are not dancing will wear white to distinguish them from the rest."

Rochecotte, February 7, 1841.—The Chamber of Peers seems far from favourably impressed by the proposal for fortifications and wishes to oppose it. I doubt if it has the energy to do so. Mdlle. de Cossé is to marry the Duc de Rivière. She will be very rich and wishes to be a duchess; he has very little money. Old Madame de la Briche is quite in her dotage. This does not prevent her from following her social inclinations and saying and doing extraordinary things.

Rochecotte, February 9, 1841.—My son-in-law hears that the disagreements about the fortifications and the manner in which the whole business has been conducted is likely to place every one in a false position; the Council, the Chamber and every one are at cross purposes; the Chamber of Peers is excited and exasperated and wishes to propose an amendment, in which direction it is urged by Marshal Soult, Villemain and Teste, but is held in check by Guizot and Duchâtel.

Amid all these disturbances the vote for the Secret Service Fund will pass without difficulty. Then there is no other serious question during this session and M. Thiers is said not to be in a position to give battle on the latter point.

The situation in general, according to the statement of M. Guizot is good, for the Left, he adds, is reduced to impotence for a long time. He seems to be more and more pleased with the state of foreign policy, with the advances which are made to us, and of which he boasts a great deal. He goes so far as to say that the union with the four Powers has been broken, though this statement seems to me a trifle premature.

14 Rochecotte, February 11, 1841.—I find the following in a letter from the Duc de Noailles: "I have been studying the question of the fortifications, since this ridiculous law is thrust upon us. I cannot stomach it, and will not let it pass without raising my voice against it. The Duc d'Orléans shows great energy in the matter: he goes every day to the Chamber of Peers, even when we have nothing before us but petitions; he makes notes and observations with our grand referendary, M. Decazes, who hangs about the Chamber with a pocket-book, upon all the peers who are for or against and adds up the votes beforehand. Yesterday he sent some one during the session to M. de Vérac who rarely appears in the Chamber, to learn his opinion. He said that if there was any want of water to make mortar for the buildings, he would rather give his blood than that they should be interrupted. He told M. de Mornay who spoke on the opposition side of the Chamber of Deputies, that he had spoken as a marquis and not as a patriot. In short, he is canvassing all the peers, sending them invitations, asking them to dinner and using every possible means. It is true that almost all the Chamber will vote for the law, to such an extent have they been crushed by the revolutions which have harrowed our country. As you are deeply attached to the Duc d'Orléans, you will be sorry to hear of the unseemly and revolutionary remarks which this law has evoked from him and which are in circulation everywhere. M. Molé is working his hardest to oppose the proposal, but he will probably not be bold enough to speak against it openly; M. Pasquier is no less furious and will probably be equally silent.

"We have had a charming evening's entertainment at the house of Madame Récamier, [3] on behalf of the sufferers from the conflagration at Lyons. I was in charge of the arrangements and the platform at the back of the room was most suitable for the music and the recitals. The professional musicians 15 performed admirably; the little Rachel came late because the committee of the Théâtre Français had forced her, with their usual inconsiderateness, to play Mithridate the same day. She arrived at eleven o'clock with a grace, an eagerness to help and a simplicity which charmed every one. She gave the Dream of Athalie and the scene with Joas with excellent effect; it will be even better on the stage, as stage effects are lost in a drawing-room. Her conversation and manner caused equal satisfaction. The result was excellent—five thousand francs. Two hundred tickets were sent out at twenty francs a ticket, but nearly every one paid forty, fifty or even a hundred francs a ticket. It is a very pleasant way of collecting money. M. de Chateaubriand, who usually goes to bed at nine, stayed until midnight. M. de Lamartine was also there and two abbés to represent the convent; the Abbé Genoude and the Abbé Deguerry."

The Duc is devoting himself to art no less than to politics.

Rochecotte, February 12, 1841.—Several Legitimist newspapers have published so-called letters written during the period of exile by King Louis-Philippe to the Marquis d'Entraigues, and a long letter written to the late M. de Talleyrand by the King, while M. de Talleyrand was ambassador at London. The Cabinet considers that the newspapers should be seized, the editors arrested and a charge of forgery brought against them before the courts. I sent for the newspaper containing the letter which was supposed to have been written to M. de Talleyrand. I am convinced that it is an absolute forgery. M. Delessert, prefect of police, has asked my son, M. de Valençay, to write to me and inquire whether I knew if any papers had been stolen from M. de Talleyrand at London; whether it was possible for any one to have abstracted them at Paris during his illness and at the time of his death; and finally, whether I knew a woman who was concerned in the whole business [4] who says that she had lived at Valençay and even in the château; in 16 short, he wishes to know my recollections and my opinion of the whole story. I talked over the matter with my son-in-law, and we concluded that we would be bound to reply. I therefore gave M. de Valençay a reply, telling him to read my letter to M. Delessert but not to leave the letter in his hands. In it I said that I had never known this woman or heard of her, which is exactly true; that all M. de Talleyrand's important papers had been deposited by him in foreign countries in sure hands and in places which would render theft quite impossible, and that no papers could have been found at his house in Paris, if any attempt had been made to abstract them, of which I had no recollection; that, in short, all my recollections and impressions contributed to convince me that the letter in question was a forgery. As a matter of fact, it is a very long letter upon European affairs which was never written by the King; moreover, neither the King nor Madame Adélaide in their letters to M. de Talleyrand ever expressed the thoughts, the opinions, or the projects expounded in this letter. It appears that the Abbé Genoude and M. de la Rochejaquelein, in the course of a journey to England, bought the King's so-called letters from this woman and came to publish them in France under the deception of animosity and party spirit. However, the whole business is very unpleasant for the King and the trial very wearisome to follow; these men assert that they have originals in the King's handwriting, which are no doubt forgeries, though proving them to be so is a hateful business.

The Legitimist newspapers also publish some fragments of a diary, or rather some memoirs of Madame de Feuchères; the forgery here is obvious to myself, who am well aware of the relations which existed between her and the Royal Family, and are totally misrepresented by these fragments. Her family and the executors of her will have published an absolute denial of the existence of these supposed memoirs. However, the Legitimist newspapers proceed as before to publish instalments of this absurdity, and there are idiots or ill-disposed persons who still persist in believing them authentic.

17 Rochecotte, February 15, 1841.—I have been asked a question about Madame de Salvandy, who corresponds with the Austrian Minister to the United States; her maiden name was Mlle. Ferey, and she was a niece of the Oberkampf family; she is thus connected with the Jouy oilcloth. [5] She is not a distinguished person, though not vulgar; she is not pretty and not exactly ugly; she is not pleasant, but not badly brought up; not clever, but no fool; and after this I think it must be admitted that she is not a nonentity. I should add that she has been a good daughter, a good wife and a good mother; that she bores her husband and wearies her children by her continual efforts to be correct; and in conclusion that she is a thorough-going Protestant, always scattering little French Bibles about without her husband's knowledge, who is a good Catholic.

A summary of my correspondence is as follows. I found it here when I returned from Tours, where I had gone for a few hours to be present at a charity lottery.

Madame de Lieven writes: "Enthusiasm is rising once more at the Tuileries on behalf of the fortifications at Paris, and is said to have reached Dumouriez. The fortifications are desired and will be secured, for it is thought that the Chamber of Peers will show a majority in their favour, notwithstanding the Legitimist conspiracy of Molé and Pasquier. England will be obliged to make advances to France, as Parliament is urging it in that direction and society also. Notwithstanding the outward success of the English Cabinet, the Ministry is growing weak and it is even said that it will fall. Lord Palmerston alone retains full confidence in his fortune. The whole of Europe shows great confidence in M. Guizot, especially Prince Metternich, who asks of him only one thing—namely, that he will continue in office. I think he is as safe as any one can be in France. I think the proposal regarding Jerusalem will not pass unnoticed."

The Duchesse de Montmorency writes: "I told you a few 18 days ago that Mgr. Affre had forbidden the Chapter to meet, and that the Chapter had strictly carried out his orders by offering him no New Year's congratulations, as a meeting would have been necessary for that purpose. The result has caused a disturbance among the clergy which is now at its height. Even at the Tuileries they are beginning to repent of the unfortunate choice that was made in M. Affre, as he had a violent quarrel with M. Guillon, Bishop of Morocco, the Queen's first almoner, and a great favourite at the château. M. Guillon, though he had been entirely hostile to Mgr. de Quélen, went to the King to complain of Mgr. Affre. Unfortunately he cannot be removed. He has turned M. de Courtier, the very popular priest of the foreign missions, out of his parish, and he has only his masses to live upon. The canons of Notre Dame no longer say mass at the high altar, as to do so would be a means of meeting, and similarly at matins and the other offices. Things are almost as if the cathedral was under an interdict. Mgr. Affre is so hot-tempered that when his secretary, a young and innocent abbé to whom he had dictated some extraordinary letters, ventured to remark upon the fact, he was immediately dismissed without notice. How Christian, pastoral and evangelical such conduct is!

"M. Demidoff has sent back the secretary, the butler and the servants that he had here; it is not yet known whether he has reached Russia, or whether the Emperor Nicholas will allow his wife to come with him; the possibility is doubted.

"The affairs of the Duc Decazes are in fearful disorder and his servants are leaving him; he is also said to be very ill."

M. Raullin writes: "Yesterday at Notre Dame we had a sermon from the Rev. Father Lacordaire, who wishes to restore or to establish in France the Order of Dominicans with their beautiful white cloaks. The whole of Paris was there and the church was crowded. The sermon provoked much criticism, both favourable and adverse. It was a harangue in the style of Peter the Hermit preaching the Crusade to the people, except that in this case the Crusade was directed against no one, but was to support Catholicism. 19 It was Rome and France marching together since the time of Clovis to the conquest of true liberty and of civilisation. In all this there was a mixture of papacy and of nationalism, of spiritual monarchy and of universal liberty which was thundered forth in a style that might shake the pillars and the very foundations of every Gallic church. I hope that similar attempts will not often be made, but for once in a way such outbursts do no harm. I was especially struck by the vast concourse of people and the close attention with which they followed all the words of this Dominican revivalist. As to the result of his attempt, I am afraid that imagination and a sense of the picturesque are all that will be stimulated. I do not like attempts to start new movements by something extraordinary."

The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes: "Madame de Rambuteau, in order to avoid the terrible crowd which invades the rooms of the Hotel de Ville, declared that she would only ask those of her new acquaintances who were introduced to her on Tuesday mornings. Such was the reply that she sent to a note from Madame d'Istrie, who asked permission to introduce her sister, Madame de La Ferronnays. The idea of introduction as an excuse from Madame de Rambuteau to Madame de La Ferronnays has been considered ridiculous; it has become a jest and a byword and many people in high society decline to visit the Hotel de Ville.

"Madame de Flahaut is entirely absorbed in the task of attracting the Faubourg Saint-Germain to her house; the Duc d'Orléans is distinctly angry in consequence; but as princes no longer go to salons, Madame de Flahaut says that she will not continue to sacrifice her tastes to the whims of the Duc d'Orléans. Emilie, her daughter, who keeps house for her, is influencing her in this direction. On Thursdays there is dancing at Madame de Flahaut's house: some one was saying before the Marquise de Caraman that these entertainments were balls for young people, to which the marquise replied, 'And for young women too, for I have been invited,' upon which remark it was remembered that her baptismal certificate does not seem to agree with this claim."

20 Finally, M. de Valençay writes that Madame de Sainte Elme, the author of the Contemporary Memoirs, is deeply implicated in the affair of the pretended letters from the King. The prefect of police is still busily occupied in the task of getting to the bottom of this intrigue.

M. de Valençay went to hear Father Lacordaire and says that he looks like a fine Spanish picture. His sermon was very republican and his mode of expression very different from that hitherto employed in the pulpit, but he has much talent and vigour.

He adds that M. de Chateaubriand is reading his Memoirs at Madame Récamier's house; Madame Gay swoons with admiration and Madame de Boigne makes faces. These two tendencies were especially brought out by a very striking portrait of the Duc de Bordeaux. The Duchesse de Gramont Guiche was present and was not remarkably pleased with the passage in which her name was mentioned, in which M. de Chateaubriand said: "Madame de Guiche, who has been a great beauty."

There is nothing else in my letters which seems worth quotation, and even what I have extracted is chiefly trivial.

Rochecotte, February 23, 1841.—Some time ago I was advised to read a novel by M. Sainte-Beuve and not to be alarmed by the title of it, which was "Pleasure." I read half of it yesterday; though it wanders from the point in a manner more metaphysical than religious, and though the affectation and ruggedness of the style is obvious, I have been deeply touched by the book, which displays a profound knowledge of the human heart, a true sense of good and evil, and generally speaking, a loftiness of thought which is unusual in modern authors.

My son-in-law hears from Paris that the Chamber of Deputies was much disturbed by the report of M. Jouffroy concerning the secret service funds. The Chamber seems to have been living in a profound calm which has been disturbed by this report. It has revived all quarrels and severely criticises all past Ministries, while it speaks of the policy of the present Cabinet in terms which are unacceptable 21 to many of its supporters. In short, it is an unfortunate incident, which is important in so far as it strengthens the arms of that important fraction of the Chamber known as the Dufaure-Passy party.

Rochecotte, February 24, 1841.—In the Friend of Religion, a little magazine which I take in to lend to my priest, I have found a long extract from the famous sermon of M. Lacordaire, which recently caused so much sensation at Paris, and which fortunately seems to have met with strong disapproval. As a matter of fact what I read is quite inconceivable, though there are many passages full of vigour and talent; but these are overwhelmed by strange assertions which reach the point of the scandalous and the dangerous. As his subject he took the duty of children to parents and from thence proceeded to an enthusiastic eulogy of the democracy: he said that Jesus Christ was above all things a member of the middle classes, and that France is supported by God because it breathes democracy. The late Mgr. de Quélen was quite right in his refusal to allow M. Lacordaire to preach unless he were himself present to keep an eye upon him. He mistrusted these strange doctrines which had long before been derived from his connection with M. de Lamennais, and though M. Lacordaire has remained a Catholic, he is largely affected by this evil teaching, which he received in his youth.

Prince Pierre d'Arenburg writes to say that on the day of the collection at Notre Dame Mgr. Affre summoned the ladies who were collecting to the sacristy, but he did not speak to them or give them a word of thanks, which they expected, as they were always accustomed to it from Mgr. de Quélen, who invariably thanked them with perfect grace; that Mgr. Affre then sent them into the church with a most abrupt "Now then, start," which was received with murmurs on the part of the ladies, according to my letter.

M. de Valençay writes to say that he has heard from a reliable source that overtures from the English Cabinet are still awaited and that it is believed that they will be forthcoming. He had met Madame de Lieven who had 22 commissioned him to send me news of the fact and to add that M. Guizot is on the best of terms with the German courts. It appears that this week will decide the fate of the English Cabinet, which will be vigorously attacked.

The law upon the fortifications will not be put to the vote in the Chamber of Peers for a fortnight. It will be fiercely attacked by M. Molé, by the Chancellor and by the Legitimists. The court is very angry with the two first named. What the fate of the law will be is absolutely unknown as yet.

Madame de Nesselrode has left Paris full of enthusiasm for Parisian life, for Parisian things and people. I admit her goodness of heart and her generosity, but I think very little of her judgment.

Rochecotte, February 26, 1841.—I hear from Paris that a very select ball was given by Madame Le Hon and that she and Madame de Flahaut are now trying to refine their salon and to attract the Faubourg Saint-Germain; that in this respect a kind of reaction is expected; that every one is anxious to be counted a member of high society; that those who were formerly sought are now disdained and those are flattered who were formerly rejected.

I hear from Vienna that the daughter of the Prussian Minister Maltzan, a pretty young girl of twenty-four, is to marry Lord Beauvale, the English Ambassador; in age he could easily be her father; he has been a great rake and is eaten up with gout. However, she has preferred him to several possibilities, because he is an English peer, ambassador and brother of the Prime Minister. She has decided to make a brilliant marriage.

Rochecotte, February 27, 1841.—Yesterday my daughter had a long letter from young Lady Holland of whom she had seen a good deal at Florence. This little lady is now at London. I have asked my daughter's permission to select the interesting passages from this letter: "I doubt if any one, whatever trouble he took, could discover a more painful situation than ours, because I think that no one could find such a woman as Lady Holland, my mother-in-law. She 23 surpasses everything that could be imagined in the way of rapacity and selfishness, and in a novel her character would be thought exaggerated and impossible. As you know, she became possessor of everything from my father-in-law, but that is not enough for her. She wishes to pull down Holland House where she spent forty years of her life and to build and to sell; in fact, Heaven knows what she does not wish, for the other day she was anxious to make an arrangement with her son which would deprive us of our small income which was arranged at our marriage, so that if the Ministry were to change to-morrow it is quite possible we should be reduced to live upon the interest from my dowry. Fortunately she cannot destroy Holland House without my husband's consent and he says he would rather cut his hand off than consent to sacrifice the smallest part of it, even of the park. Similarly she cannot sell the other estate of Ampthill without his consent. He would willingly give his consent to pay off the large mortgages with which she has burdened the property, which was immense and free from debt at the time of her marriage with Lord Holland, if she on her side would do something. She has so much of which she can unfortunately dispose that my husband has been advised to ask something in return for his consent. He only asked her to leave the house as it was during his father's lifetime, whom he worshipped, and whose memory is most dear to him. He told her that the library and papers which his father left behind were a hundred times more precious to him than the real property and the silver of which she can dispose. Well, she declines to do anything. She has consulted all her friends, who have pointed out the truth and asked her to do the right thing. The result is scenes and quarrels, while we must look on at everything and not offer a complaint. It is a difficult position and sometimes I feel my blood boil, but I restrain myself for my husband's sake and follow the example of his sons and his daughter whose patience towards her is angelical and who show a delicacy, a tenderness and reserve which she certainly does not deserve at times. In short, we must hope that a day will come when we shall 24 be able to live in peace and return to that dear house which we have not been permitted to approach since our arrival. At present we must start as soon as we can and return to Florence by way of Paris.

"Fanny Cowper is not to marry Charles Gore. She cannot yet decide what she will do, and remains very pretty. [6] The chief beauty of the moment is Lady Douro. The Duke of Wellington has recovered but commits such imprudent acts that it is impossible to rely upon him. Lord Cardigan has been hissed in the theatre, which is very unpleasant for those who go there. I went to his trial which interested me greatly. [7] He is a handsome man, pale and interesting, and we peeresses were all so pleased that he was acquitted; but it was a somewhat theatrical business and I am afraid that in these days of reform and discontent it may cause some outcry against the House of Lords. My husband clearly pronounced the words 'Not guilty, upon my honour,' but they were delivered best of all by my cousin, Lord Essex. Towards evening the robes of the peers, the red tapestry and the presence of the ladies made a striking effect. The ladies chiefly admired were Lady Douro, Lady Seymour, Lady Mahon and my cousin, Caroline Essex.

"Our dear aunt, Miss Fox, of whom we are very fond, since she has been a real mother to my husband, has given us much anxiety. She has been very ill, but I hope that she is out of danger; she regrets her brother whom she loved for himself alone. There is no sense of vanity, no regret for loss of position, and no ambition in her grief, while everything that she has seen or heard since his death has shocked and pained her. We have also been alarmed for my poor cousin, Lady Melbourne; an illness after a miscarriage was nearly the death of her, but I now hope and trust that she is out of 25 danger; these, however, are incidents which hurt and leave their marks. She thought she was dying and left all that she loved with calmness, submission and tenderness, forgetting nothing that could conduce to the happiness of her husband whom she was leaving.

"We spent a week at the beginning of the year at Windsor; it was a picture of perfect happiness; our dear little Queen, handsome Prince Albert and the little Princess, a pretty and good-tempered child, ready to do anything with a smile, a certain sign of good health. The Queen is said to be with child again. We were dining there four or five days ago and the Queen seemed to me to be not quite well, though she danced a good deal two evenings later, but in any case she is so strong that one cannot judge by appearances."

Rochecotte, March 1, 1841.—My last month of Rochecotte is now beginning, much to my regret. I have been as well here as I can be at present. I live free from fatigue, agitation, trouble and constraint; all these I shall find at Paris, but there would be a certain affectation if I stayed away altogether; and before starting for Germany I have a number of little things to do and some preparations to make which can only be done at Paris, so I have resolved, though with much reluctance, to start in April.

Yesterday I had a letter from Madame Mollien, which seems to me amusing from beginning to end: "I must say a word to you of this fancy dress ball, a carnival ball which will form an epoch in the annals of the Tuileries, because for some hours it has brought back to its walls, which are usually so sad, the frank, simple and unrestrained cheerfulness which can only be seen in the simplest salons. The success of the entertainment was due to the Prince de Joinville; no one could withstand his impetuosity. The costumes were varied, generally rich and tasteful with a few exceptions; there are exceptions everywhere. The Queen, the old Princesses and the old ladies who were not wearing costumes went in succession to the gallery of Louis-Philippe. All in costume, ladies and gentlemen, met in another part of the château and made a solemn entry about half-past eight to the sound of an 26 appalling band, composed of all kinds of more or less barbarous instruments which the Prince de Joinville has collected in his travels. He himself, in true Turkish costume, carried an enormous drum of a most oriental kind, on which he made a tremendous noise. A magician preceded the procession as a herald, and the company was conducted by the Duchesse d'Orléans. She was splendid with a dignified air: her costume was that of Marie of Burgundy, black velvet richly embroidered with gold and trimmed with ermine; the tall pointed cap which forms part of this costume was ornamented at the front with a velvet bow embroidered with enormous stones; the cap itself was of cloth of gold surmounted by a veil of tulle embroidered with gold. Two ladies and two gentlemen, alike in costumes of the age of Louis IX., escorted the Princess. The two ladies, whose costumes were like hers though not so rich, were Mdmes. de Chanaleilles and Olivia de Chabot; the men were M. Asseline, her Secretary of private commands, and M. de Praslin, who looked very well in a long cloak of brown velvet and marten fur, and called himself Philippe de Commines. Poor Princess Clémentine was not a success: she wore a Turkish costume which the Prince de Joinville had brought back from Syria; it was handsome but heavy and ungraceful, and her supple and charming figure was not shown off until after supper when she took off the enormous headdress which was crushing her, to be able to dance more at her ease. The Duchesse de Nemours, on the other hand, was charming: she had copied a portrait of the wife of the Regent, whom she is supposed to resemble. The outer dress was of red velvet, very short, with a skirt standing out and trimmed with rubies and diamonds all round, upon a skirt of white satin trimmed with two rows of broad green fringe and garlands of pearls; a small velvet cap with one little feather standing upright was put on the side of her head and touched her forehead, leaving her head almost bare upon one side. Her very fair hair slightly powdered, curled, fluffy, turned up on one side and falling down on the other, gave her a coquettish appearance and an apparent want of care which was charming. I 27 have never seen her so pretty, and so every one said. The others are not worth mentioning. At the same time there were some pretty dresses, including ladies of the time of the Ligue, of the Fronde, of Louis XIII., of Louis XIV., some Spanish costumes, and also a vivandière of the time of Louis XV., which caused quite a sensation. Madame de Montalivet and Madame de Praslin each appeared as Mlle. de Hautfort, in rivalry. Many of the ladies were powdered. The Duc d'Orléans did not return from Saint Omer as he had said he might do, to the great vexation of the Princesse; I think his absence rather spoilt her evening. The Prince de Joinville speedily rid himself of his Turkish costume; his two young brothers first appeared in military costumes of the last century. After the first dance they all three went away and soon came back again; the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d'Aumale as débardeurs and the Duc de Montpensier as a fifi of the time of the Regency. If you happen to have a neighbour who is accustomed to go to fancy dress balls (I do not think M. de Castellane is), you can ask him for explanations of these costumes. Their chief merit and probably the reason for their choice, is that they are an excellent support in themselves to revelry, as they authorise and even require a cheerful manner. The quadrilles were formed only in two rows; as there was plenty of room they were able to stand without crowding. As the couples at each end would have had too much space to traverse, each figure was repeated only twice instead of four times, and thus without rest or relaxation, ever in movement, each dance finished by a general galop to music played in much quicker time for that purpose. This went on till half-past three in the morning with a vivacity which I could hardly believe possible. The Queen was greatly amused, and the King himself seemed to find some pleasure in all this gaiety. He stayed till supper, which was served in the Galerie de Diane at little round tables, as at small balls. The Infants and Infantas of Spain were all in costume, excepting their father and their mother. She only danced the English dance, which concluded the ball. Her partner was an Incroyable 28 of the Revolution, and they looked sufficiently incredible. However, she excused herself from the last galop which ended this dance and was more uproarious than all the rest. The Prince de Joinville had the Duc de Nemours as his page, and he took a very cheerful part in all these gaieties throughout the evening. He made some attempt to imitate his brother, but the Prince de Joinville with his wild spirits coupled with his grave and handsome face, his alertness and originality, was in every respect inimitable. I have forgotten to mention M. and Madame de Chabannes: she appeared as a lady from the Court of Charles IX.; her costume, which was said to be designed by Paul Delaroche, was exactly correct, and made her absolutely hideous. He was wrapped from head to foot in those waves of white muslin in which the Arabs are dressed; this was not an imitation, for the whole thing came from Algiers—the costume, the dagger, the pistol, and also an enormous gun which he had captured at Blidah or at Milianah. He was on duty, and in this costume he preceded the King and Queen when they came from their apartments to the ballroom. In my opinion he showed not the least proof of courage in this campaign.

"There was a continuation of these festivities the next day. All those in costume who cared to do so met at the house of M. de Lasalle, the King's ordnance officer, and the Incroyable of the Infanta. His wife had a splendid costume, said to represent Mlle. de Montpensier. The Duc de Nemours, the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d'Aumale appeared at this improvised meeting, which went on until five o'clock in the morning, and is said to have been extremely gay. It was Shrove Tuesday, when everything is permitted. There was also some amusement in the morning: Madame Adélaïde gave her children's breakfast as usual; the King and Queen always attend it as well as the Princesses; it is held in the Palais Royal in Madame's own rooms. Several tables are placed in three rooms, at one of which the Royal Family sits and is served with all kinds of dainties. This table is the most amusing point. This year Madame had added a little performance to amuse the King; a piece from 29 the theatre of varieties was played, the Chevalier du Guet, which may perhaps have amused the King but certainly not the children; of that I am certain. My two nephews were with me, for Madame had invited them with a kindness which would not allow me to refuse. I stayed there from three o'clock till seven and then went back to spend the evening at the Tuileries, as I was on duty, so that by Ash Wednesday I was nearly dead with weariness.

"There has been not a word spoken to-day about the fortifications, or of the secret service fund, though to tell the truth certain statesmen would not be entirely out of place amid these Carnival disguises."

Rochecotte, March 2, 1841.—M. de Valençay writes to say that he dined yesterday, which was Thursday, with Marshal Soult, a large dinner-party to forty guests. The Aylesburys, the Seafords, Lady Aldborough, the Brignole and Durazzo parties, and the Francis Barings were there. My son sat near Francis Baring, a clever and agreeable man, of whom he had seen a great deal at M. de Talleyrand's house, especially in England, and who seems to retain a warm regard for his memory. They had much talk. Sir Francis told him that a large number of M. de Talleyrand's letters had recently passed through his hands, as he had been going over and arranging all the correspondence of his father-in-law, the Duke of Bassano. He added that after reading these letters his impression was that my uncle had right upon his side in his differences with the Duke of Bassano concerning the policy of the Emperor Napoleon. In the course of this conversation Francis Baring gave him a piece of information which might be useful to us, telling him that one of his friends came to him a short time ago and said, "You are not aware that Thiers professes to have found, while turning over certain papers, some documents which compromise M. de Talleyrand in the affair of the Duc d'Enghien." My son then went into certain details to show Baring that the information which M. Thiers professes to have acquired could only be erroneous, that my uncle had never known anything of the Emperor's projects or his secret opinion 30 regarding the Duc d'Enghien, and every one who knew Napoleon was not astonished at the fact.

I am glad to know what M. Thiers professes to disseminate as information, with the object of giving an appearance of authenticity to the History of the Consulate and the Empire, which he is now writing.

When you have returned from your exile, [8] I shall ask you to request Francis Baring to lend you the letters of which he has spoken to my son. These letters might very well form a part of our great work, in my opinion. [9]

The discussion upon the secret service funds has been much more prolonged than was expected. In any case the vote is a matter of doubt.

Yesterday's news was the scanty majority by which the English Ministry carried Lord Morpeth's bill—five is indeed a small number; possibly it indicates the approaching fall of the Cabinet. [10]

It is impossible as yet to say what the fate of the bill concerning the fortifications of Paris will be in the Chamber of Peers. The Duc de Broglie is one of the most vigorous supporters of this law.

The newspapers announce the marriage of the old King of the Low Countries with the Comtesse d'Oultremont. [11] The aunt of the King of Prussia, the old Electress of Hesse has just died. The poor woman had led a sad life with many trials and reverses; her wretched husband is marrying the lady with whom I have so often seen him at Baden.

Rochecotte, March 3, 1841.—The Duc de Noailles writes telling me that M. de Flahaut is assiduously paying court to M. Guizot on every possible occasion and in particular every evening at Madame de Lieven's house, where his attentions 31 begin as soon as he has passed the door. In short, he seems as devoted to him as he was to M. Thiers; however, he will not secure the Vienna post unless Sainte-Aulaire goes to London, which he will only do if M. de Broglie who is urged to accept London, should continue to refuse it.

The Duc also says that the King regards the question of the fortifications as a peace problem, and declares that war need only be made more difficult to become more unusual; that Germany is quite right to fortify herself; and that we should fortify ourselves, because in this way we shall check our impetuosity and each raise obstacles which will prevent mutual attacks. The Duc d'Orléans, on the other hand, regards the question from a revolutionary point of view; he says that Europe will never permit his dynasty to continue or recognise the principle of the Government which triumphed in 1830. Some day or other Europe will attack him, and he should prepare for defence even to-day. The Duc de Noailles himself seems to be preparing a speech, for which he claims a great deal.

Rochecotte, March 5, 1841.—The following is a passage from a letter which I received yesterday from M. Molé: "The coalition has prevented the powers of good from triumphing henceforward; power can only be exerted now at the price of concessions, which I will never make, so I consider my political or rather my ministerial career as terminated. When any question seems to be worth the effort, I shall do my duty to the Chamber of Peers, but neither more nor less than that. On that point I am irrevocably decided. Blindness is everywhere paramount, and in particular where clear-sightedness should reign. This reason makes me doubt the future, which I regard in the darkest colours and with many apprehensions of approaching disaster."

M. de Salvandy writes saying that he has to go to Toulouse this month on family business and will ask me to put him up on his way. He adds, "The campaign upon the question of the secret service funds has been waged as mercilessly as that upon the fortifications question. M. Thiers emerges defeated 32 and without prospects; M. Guizot triumphant in word but weakened in reality, for the majority are disturbed by the observations of M. Dufaure. The session seems to be concluded, but the vote of credit will arouse it to fresh life at the expense of M. Thiers, and the discussion upon the law of the fortifications, if it should end in the Chamber of Peers according to the wishes of M. Molé, which seems unlikely, would complicate the situation more than ever."

The newspapers announce the death of M. de Bellune, who received the sacraments from the hands of my cousin, the Abbé of Brézé, in the presence of M. de Chateaubriand, the Marquis de Brézé and M. Hyde de Neuville. No one could come to an end as a more thorough-going Carlist than he. M. Alexandre de La Rochefoucauld has also died, but not in so Legitimist a fashion.

M. Royer-Collard is sad, depressed and ill, and is angry that M. Ancelot should have been elected to M. de Bonald's seat in the Academy instead of M. de Tocqueville.

Rochecotte, March 7, 1841.—I am delighted to hear that you like the letters of Madame de Maintenon, [12] and am deeply flattered by the likeness that you find between the nature of her intellect and of mine. However, the Duc de Noailles has several times made the same observation to me. I wish I were more capable of living up to the resemblance. Apart from her mental qualities and a certain weakness due to her position and to the time in which she lived, she had a loftiness of soul, a firmness of character and a purity of principle and of life which raised her very high in my esteem and provided a better explanation of the astonishing fortunes which followed her, than her beauty, her grace and her lofty thoughts can do.

Rochecotte, March 8, 1841.—Yesterday evening my son-in-law read us a delightful article upon Mlle. de Lespinasse in the Revue des Deux Mondes of March 1. The article is well written and reminds me of several incidents which M. de Talleyrand told me of this personage, who was no favourite of his. He thought that she was wanting in simplicity, for 33 one of the best features of M. de Talleyrand's taste was his respect and liking for simplicity. He admired it in every case, in mind, manner, language and feeling, and only a strange conjuncture of circumstances or a very strained position could ever prevent this noble instinct of simplicity from influencing his own character and actions. Exaggeration and affectation he always hated. My own failings in this respect were corrected in a remarkable degree by my intercourse with him. At the time of my marriage I was somewhat to blame in those directions, though I hope that is not the case now. The improvement is due to him, as are many other things, for which I cannot sufficiently thank his memory. To return to Mlle. de Lespinasse, I well remember reading her Letters which appeared shortly after those of Madame du Deffant. I was not greatly attracted by them; affected enthusiasm is by no means the same as real feeling, and passion is not tenderness. In view of the want of principle that characterised the eighteenth century, the one safeguard for the individual was the yoke imposed by society with its customs and demands. If one were ever so little outside that circle, there was no check, and imagination carried people very far and very low. Mlle. de Lespinasse, having neither family nor fortune, was not obliged to consider a society to which she only half belonged, and led the life of a clever man who is also a lady-killer. But now I seem to be writing an article on the subject myself and what we read yesterday is much better than this.

Rochecotte, March 9, 1841.—The following is an extract from a letter which I have from the Duchesse de Montmorency: "People here think only of fortifications: those who usually trouble but little about politics are full of them and society looks very askance upon those who are supposed likely to vote in support of the law. My husband says that he has not yet been enlightened; our family interprets this to mean that the King has won him over. The fact is that he is influenced by my son who has been commissioned by the Château for this purpose, all of which vexes me exceedingly.

"M. Gobert, treasurer of the fund for the orphans of those 34 who died of cholera, was very devoted to the memory of the late Mgr. de Quélen, and had a terrible scene with Mgr. Affre at a meeting of the committee, when the Archbishop wished to dismiss him. M. Gobert replied that he would not stir; in short, the whole business was very scandalous and it is impossible to understand how these scenes of fury and abuse of authority will end.

"The Duc de Rohan is marrying his daughter to the Marquis de Béthisy, a very suitable match.

"In the newspapers you will see the filial comedy that has been played by the Prince de la Moskowa. M. Pasquier is praised for not having allowed him to speak. I am told that the Duc d'Orléans induced the Prince de la Moskowa to enter the House of Peers in order that he might vote for these stupid fortifications. It is also the Duc d'Orléans who influences the Journal des Débats. Old Bertin and the chief editors are strongly opposed to the fortifications, but young Bertin, orderly officer to the Duc d'Orléans and M. Cuvillier Fleury, private secretary to the Duc d'Aumale, insert what they please in the newspaper, or rather what the Château pleases. I know that Bertin de Veaux said the other day to one of my friends, 'Pray do not think that I am inclined to support so fatal a measure.'"

Rochecotte, March 14, 1841.—It was so fine yesterday and I had owed a call so long to the wife of my sub-prefect, [13] that I resolved to go to Chinon with my son-in-law between lunch and dinner. The road from this house to Chinon is pretty and easy. At Chinon itself I visited the great and noble ruins of the castle which overlook the rich and smiling valley of the Vienne: the room where Joan of Arc offered her holy sword to Charles VII.; the tower where Jacques Molay, the grand master of the Templars was long confined; and the subterranean passage leading to the house of Agnes Sorel; all these things can still be seen and one regards them with the eye of faith, which is the most important element in archæology. If this ruin were restored as that of Heidelberg has been, the result would be most picturesque. I stayed for 35 a quarter of an hour at the office of the charity organisation where the Sister Superior now is who spent fourteen years in the household of Valençay and who had several times expressed a desire to meet me. She is a thoroughly good person and liked everywhere, and her departure was much regretted at Valençay. When I rang the bell a sister came to tell me that the Mother Superior was at the point of death and had received the last sacraments a few hours before. However, I asked her to tell the invalid that I was there and she insisted upon seeing me. I was much saddened by the interview which cheered the failing life of this excellent person. She told me, as the late Mgr. de Quélen once told me, that from the first day when she had seen me to the day of her death which was now at hand she had never passed a day without praying for me. It is good to be loved by Christian souls and their loyalty is to be found nowhere else.

When I returned from Chinon I found two letters which will influence my movements during the summer; one was from the King of Prussia who had heard of my travelling proposals and asks me to go and see him at Sans Souci. This induces me to go to Berlin about May 12 and so one point is settled. The other letter is from my sisters who tell me that they will remain at Vienna until July 1, and that I ought to carry out the proposal I had formed to go and see Madame de Sagan there if she had lived. I am anxious that the tie between my sisters and myself should be maintained. This is only as it should be and it is also a comfort; we are now reduced to a very small group and the tie of blood has a strength which one is surprised to find persisting in spite of all that should naturally destroy it or at any rate weaken it.

Rochecotte, March 16, 1841.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven who says: "The Firman conferring heredity seems sheer humbug; such was the opinion of the Pasha and even more so the opinion of Napier, the English admiral. He has advised the Pasha to refuse it, which he has done very politely. While these events were in progress in the East, we here received a very polite invitation from London to rejoin the concert of Europe in order to settle the Eastern 36 Question in general, and this invitation was preceded by a protocol announcing that the Egyptian question was entirely settled. As the terms of invitation seemed to be suitable, there was a disposition here to open negotiations. Your Government has proposed some verbal changes which were immediately accepted, and the matter was almost concluded when the news that I have just told you arrived. M. Guizot immediately brought the matter to a standstill, for the Egyptian affair, instead of being terminated, is beginning again, and the Sultan and the Pasha are as far from an understanding as ever. The Firman was dictated by Lord Ponsonby and the other three representatives opposed it. The English at Paris are ashamed of this despicable trick; every one regards it as an act of bad faith, and there is some small amusement at the embarrassment which will be caused to the northern Powers, as the document will have to be drawn up again unless the whole quarrel is to be reopened as if no Treaty of July 15 had ever been made. Meanwhile the Germans are yearning to see the isolation of France come to an end, as this position forces them to undertake great expense in the way of armaments, while France will not hear of any understanding as long as the difference with Egypt persists.

"And what of America? Lady Palmerston writes to me every week and says in her last letter, 'We are very pleased with the news from America, and everything will be settled.' This means that poor MacLeod will be hung and the English territory will be seized. If this will satisfy them, all well and good. [14] In China, English affairs are also going badly.

"Bresson will certainly return to Berlin. M. de Sainte-Aulaire has recently arrived. He will go to London, when, I cannot say, probably when you send an ambassador there. I do not know who will go to Vienna.

"Lord Beauvale had an attack of gout during the 37 celebration of his marriage; [15] he told the priest to hurry up, and was taken home very ill. The next day he was in bed and his wife had dinner at a small table at his bedside. They will come to Paris on their way to England.

"Adèle de Flahaut is dying; her father is behaving like a madman, but her mother shows a man's courage.

"I have decided to send you Lady Palmerston's letter so that Pauline may read the details that interest her."

The following is Lady Palmerston's letter to the Princess: "I must tell you that my daughter Fanny is engaged to Lord Jocelyn. He is a charming young man of twenty-eight, handsome, cheerful, loyal, clever and pleasant, and he has travelled in every part of the world. He has just come back from China, of which he gives very interesting accounts. We are all very pleased with the marriage, which is quite romantic. He sent his proposal in writing from Calcutta a year and a half ago but could not wait for an answer as he was obliged to start for Chusan; so he has been nearly two years wavering between hope and fear and reached Liverpool without knowing whether he would not find her married to some one else, for in the English papers which he sometimes saw he occasionally found announcements of Fanny's marriage with some other person. Lord Jocelyn's father is Lord Roden, a great Tory, but that, you know, is a trifle which does not disturb us, as Fanny's happiness is our first object, and love and politics do not go together. Moreover, he is not a fanatic like his father, but very reasonable and steady in his ideas.

"The news from America is pretty good upon the whole: it is all a matter of talk and party spirit; the out-goers wish to make the position difficult for the in-comers, almost in European style."

I now propose to copy a little romance which was composed by Henry IV. and which I have found in the Memoirs of Sully. It seems to me full of elegance and 38 charm, and to be even more graceful than Charmante Gabrielle:

How pretty it is! Henry IV.'s letters are also charming; in fact his figure alone lends interest to this extraordinary work which is as heavy and diffuse as possible, though interesting to any one who has the patience to delve in it.

Rochecotte, March 27, 1841.—My son-in-law hears that the speech of M. Molé against the proposed fortifications has not answered the general expectation; that the speech of M. d'Alton Shée, which was said to have been written by M. Berryer, sparkled with wit and clever mockery and delighted the Chamber of Peers, which is really as much opposed to the law as the Chamber of Deputies was, though it will probably vote as the other Chamber has done.

Rochecotte, March 29, 1841.—I have now reached my last week of country life which will be filled with a thousand details, arrangements, accounts, and orders to be given. I shall greatly miss my solitude, my peace, the regularity of my daily life, the simplicity of my habits, the health-giving work without fatigue or agitation, which profits others and 39 therefore myself. I cannot help feeling some anxiety at leaving the protecting haven where I have been taking shelter to set sail again. Society is a troublesome and stormy sea to sail, for which I do not feel in the least fitted. I have no pilot and cannot steer my ship alone, and am always afraid of running upon some reef. My wide experience has not given me cleverness, but has merely made me distrustful of myself, which does not conduce to the possibility of a good passage.

Rochecotte, April 2, 1841.—I see a notice in the newspapers of the death of the Vicomtesse d'Agoult, mistress of the robes to the Dauphine. The loss of so old and devoted a friend must be a severe blow to the Princess, especially during her exile. There are few griefs and trials through which she has not passed.

Rochecotte, April 3, 1841.—The newspapers announce that the amendment which would have sent back the law upon the fortifications to the Chamber of Deputies, has been rejected by the House of Peers by a considerable majority. This means that the law will pass in its original form. The Château will be delighted.

The Duchesse de Montmorency tells me that I shall find hypnotism again the rage in Paris: every one has his own medium, and little morning and evening parties are given at which experiments are performed. This fashion was introduced by Madame Jules de Contades, the sister of my neighbour, M. du Ponceau. Her brother, who has been three months in Paris, has obtained a woman of Anjou who is very susceptible to hypnotism. She was with him at Benais [16] last autumn, and Dr. Orye tells me wonderful things about her. He was formerly very incredulous, but what he has seen of this woman has shaken his unbelief.

Rochecotte, April 4, 1841.—Certainly Paris is now to have its fortifications. The Duc de Noailles writes me a letter upon the subject which is very politic and probably very judicious, but which I found very wearisome. He adds, "I 40 may tell you as a piece of news that the Princesse de Lieven is giving dinners; she has very fine silver and china, and invited me last Monday with M. Guizot, Montrond, M. and Madame de la Redorte, Mr. Peel (brother of Sir Robert Peel) and Mrs. Peel. This was the second dinner she has given. The first was to her Ambassador and his niece Apponyi. She also gave an evening reception for the Duchess of Nassau, the widow and the daughter of Prince Paul of Würtemberg, who came to spend a fortnight in Paris to see her father who has been at death's door and is still very ill. The Duchess of Nassau is deaf but she is very pleasant and agreeable. She did not wish to call at the Tuileries but her father insisted. The whole of the Royal Family, except the King, called upon her the next day. Three days later she was invited to dinner and refused, saying that she was obliged to go to Versailles on that day. She refused before mentioning the subject to her father, who is certainly not a supporter of the Philippe party, but felt the unpleasantness of the refusal. He has insisted that she should make an appointment with the Queen for her farewell call: the Queen replied that she was very sorry, but that the engagements of Holy Week would not allow her to receive her. As soon as she arrived, the Court placed its theatre boxes at her disposal; she refused, saying that she would not go to the theatre at all, though she has been to the Opera in the box of the Duchesse de Bauffremont. In our faubourg people are delighted with this conduct, which seems to me utterly stupid and in bad taste." I also think such pranks are ridiculous.

As you are reading the little Fenelon, [17] remember that I especially recommend the third and fourth volumes; I consider it is equal to Madame de Sévigné and La Bruyère. The whole work is pervaded with the inimitable grace and the fine and gentle austerity of the Christian bishop, an aristocrat, a man of God and of the world, whose intellect was terrifying, as Bossuet said.

I was starting in an hour and am very sorry to go. When 41 and how shall I return? The unforeseen plays too large a part in the life of each of us.

Paris, April 6, 1841.—At length I am in this huge Paris and my impressions are by no means favourable.

Paris, April 9, 1841.—Madame de Lieven wrote asking me to come and see her, and I asked her to a quiet dinner with myself. She accepted the invitation and appeared in full dress, less thin than before, and in good spirits. She told me that her Emperor is as unsociable as ever; that the little Princess of Darmstadt cannot endure the climate of St. Petersburg and that the cold has given her a red nose; the young heir is by no means in love with her, but will marry her. The Princess assures me that nothing has been settled as regards diplomatic changes; that Sainte-Aulaire will go to London and Flahaut to Naples and the rest remains a matter of chance. It is thought that Palmerston is secretly encouraging the strange actions of Ponsonby, as the Eastern Question is by no means settled. Lord Granville has been obliged to resign on account of his health. Lady Clanricarde is very anxious to come to Paris, but the little Queen and Lady Palmerston do not like her; however, she has been reconciled to Lord Palmerston, whom she used to hate. It is said that the Queen would like to appoint Lord Normanby to Paris, as he is a weak member of the Cabinet.

M. Decazes is so ill that people are thinking of his successor. Some mention M. Monnier as a possibility, and I have heard other names which I do not remember.

Paris, April 10, 1841.—I should be glad to have something interesting to say of Paris, where the clash and strife of interests is so strong, but I have nothing and seem to be more vacant and listless even than at Rochecotte. Many words buzz about my ears and leave no impression and merely prevent the quiet course of my reflections.

Yesterday after lunch I called upon Madame Adélaïde. She had heard through a third person that I was at Paris and had asked me to come. I had not proposed to appear at the Château until after Easter. I found her ill and strangely changed; thin, bent, tired and grown old. She 42 was very pleasant, but really harassing with her interminable discourse upon the fortifications. I think she must have sent for me to discuss this subject, as if I had any opinion upon it or as if my idea could be of any importance. I was more interested by the portrait of Queen Christina of Spain which she showed me and which is an agreeable picture. This Queen did not go to Naples because her brother would not receive her. She should now be at Lyons, and it is thought that she will come back here where the Court seems to be favourably inclined to her. For the stout Infanta there seems to be less liking, and she has not increased her popularity recently by sending her three eldest daughters into a convent for no obvious reason. Since her arrival here she took the three Princesses to balls and other social functions, and now shuts them up in this way.

M. Molé came to see me towards the end of the morning, and is very depressed upon the subject of politics. The fact is quite clear that no one has gained either power or reputation. The Court seems to have been so entirely committed to these wretched fortifications which no one wants, not even those who have voted for them, that the consequences have been almost ridiculous. Many people's feelings have been hurt on this question and all who did not promise their vote were ridiculed and insulted point blank. It is said that the Prince Royal has not spared himself in the matter. I am very sorry, as I shall always be about anything that may injure his position. At the present moment he is at St. Omer.

Paris, April 12, 1841.—Some one has just come in to tell me a sad piece of news. The pretty Duchesse de Vallombrose, who was quite young, was confined of her second child a few days ago and was attacked with puerperal fever two days later. The servant whom I sent to inquire for her was told that she died last night. It is very dreadful. The little schoolmistress of Rochecotte was cured of this same disease by country doctors, while the Duchesse de Vallombrose, with the whole of the faculty about her, dies in spite of their supposed science. Life indeed realises but little of what it promises.

Paris, April 13, 1841.—The death of the Duchesse de 43 Vallombrose was yesterday a general subject of conversation. The unfortunate woman seems to have had no suspicion of her danger. A priest was fetched who, fortunately on this occasion, was a capable man (the Abbé Dupanloup), and was obliged to prepare her mind for this terrible conclusion. Deaths of this kind in the time of Louis XIV. would have produced sudden conversions, but nothing can effect the worn-out emotions and the dead consciences of our age, where everything is flat and dull, at home and abroad.

Paris, April 14, 1841.—M. de Sainte-Aulaire came to lunch with me yesterday to ask some questions concerning the nature of the London Embassy and its social position, as he is preparing to move thither. M. Royer-Collard came in before he had gone and they talked of the French Academy and of a new Book which M. Nodier is preparing, The History of Words. People say that it will be a curious and serious work, excellently written by a clever man, and a book of real authority.

M. Royer-Collard told me that on the day of his daughter's death his study door opened three times in a quarter of an hour to admit M. Molé, who was quite simple; M. Thiers, who was less so; and M. Guizot, who was nothing of the kind. Their meeting made the incident stranger still. M. Guizot fell upon the neck of M. Royer-Collard, pale and in tears, and the bereaved father felt too weak to keep him back, and I think he was quite right. Two of M. Guizot's children had been dangerously ill, and had been saved by the care of M. Andral. [18] M. Royer-Collard had called upon M. Guizot to congratulate him upon their recovery, and since that time when the two men met in the Chamber, they have shaken hands and exchanged a few words. As I am a supporter of peace in general, and think that the more we advance in life the more we should incline in that direction, I told M. Royer-Collard more than once that I was glad of the reconciliation.

My children came to dinner with me and after they had gone I went to bed. I might go into society if I pleased, or give receptions here, but I have an invincible dislike to these 44 functions, and the hour during which I am at home to friends seems to me the longest in the day. Our dear M. de Talleyrand, whose insight was so profound and who spoke more truly of every one than I realised at the time, told me very correctly that when my children were married I should fall out of society. As a matter of fact I can no longer endure it. My priest, my White Sisters, my garden, my poor people and my workmen, are enough for me. What one knows as friends in society are quite uninteresting compared with them. Madame de Maintenon said, "My friends interest me, but my poor people touch my heart." I have often applied this phrase to my own case and understand its meaning fully.

Paris, April 16, 1841.—Yesterday the eldest daughter of the Duc de Rohan-Chabot, with whom we are connected, was married to the Marquis de Béthisy. It was a fine wedding, and all the high society of the Faubourg Saint-Germain were there. I was invited to the celebration. The Church of St. Thomas d'Aquin could hardly contain the crowd; the throng in the sacristy was overwhelming; people were elbowing one another on the steps, while the driving rain increased the confusion, far from diminishing the haste of the visitors to return home. The Abbé Dupanloup who daily baptizes, confesses, buries or marries some one from our quarter, uttered a discourse which was somewhat long, though it touched those who listened to it. But nearly every one was thinking of such wholly mundane affairs as dress and display. At Paris, and in our society, marriage is rarely an event of any solemnity, and the words of the priest are the only serious utterances amid the extreme frivolity, in which the marriage service can scarcely be heard. It was a sight which evoked more than one sad reflection, especially for those who remembered that in the same church the evening before the last prayers were said over the coffin of the young and beautiful Duchesse de Vallombrose.

Paris, April 17, 1841.—Yesterday I took advantage of the kindness of the Comte de Rambuteau, who offered me his box for the last performance of Mlle. Mars. There was a 45 crowded audience and every one worth knowing was there, including the whole of the Royal Family. Mlle. Mars exhausted all the artifices of her dress with surprising success and all the resources of her talent with even greater success. Her voice was in no need of training or study: it was always fresh and perfectly modulated; if she would avoid parts that are too young for her and change her style she might have continued on the boards for a long time to come. Her farewell performance was a brilliant event and she was overwhelmed with flowers and applause. The Misanthrope was disgracefully murdered by the poor company and Mlle. Mars alone respected Molière. In les Fausses Confidences, there was more unity and vigour and Mlle. Mars was a triumphant success.

Paris, April 25, 1841.—M. Royer-Collard in the course of his last visit but one to my house told me that he had some twenty of M. de Talleyrand's letters which he would give me if I cared to have them. I accepted his offer, as I am glad to have as many of M. de Talleyrand's autographs as possible. He brought them to me the day before yesterday; yesterday I read them through and some are excellent for the gracious and studied simplicity which was peculiar to his style. Among them I found what I had long been seeking for, though I had never been able to put my hand upon it; a copy of the letter which M. de Talleyrand wrote to Louis XVIII. when the memoirs of the Duc de Rovigo on the subject of the Duc d'Enghien [19] appeared. I knew that he had written it, but I had confused the dates and was under the impression that this letter had been addressed to Lord Castlereagh instead of to the King. M. de Talleyrand sent a copy of it to M. de Royer-Collard, which copy I am now delighted to find again.

M. de Villèle, who has not been at Paris since 1830 is now there. This is an event for the Legitimist party. They are keenly anxious that he should be reconciled to M. de 46 Chateaubriand, and yet the two gentlemen have not met hitherto, simply for the reason that neither of them will make the first call, though both declare that they would be delighted to see one another again and to forget the past.

Paris, April 26, 1841.—Yesterday before the benediction I said good-bye to all my good friends of the Sacré Coeur. All these ladies are very proper and Madame de Gramont is quite an exceptional personage for her cleverness, her kindness and her graciousness combined with firmness. She is very kind to me and I am more at my ease with her than with any society personage. The fact is that I am out of touch with society and realise the fact daily; society not only disgusts me but irritates and displeases me. I am disturbed, wounded and agitated by it and go out less every day: the mental peace and balance which I have recovered with such difficulty in my retirement are lost here. I am dissatisfied with myself and by no means satisfied even with those concerning whom I have no complaint to make.

Paris, April 29, 1841.—Yesterday at the end of the morning I had an infinite number of callers who came to say farewell and all seemed equally tiresome; I can only make one exception in the case of the good and excellent Russian Ambassador, [20] who proposes to spend part of the summer at Carlsbad. His Sovereign is certainly not going to Ems; it appears that the courts of St. Petersburg and of Berlin are not upon good terms and that the King of Prussia sent his brother William to be present at the wedding of the Hereditary Grand Duke merely in order to avoid an open breach. The strained relations between these two Courts are due to an opposition of commercial interests, to the unpopularity of the Russians in Germany which the Governments cannot overlook and especially to the behaviour of the States in the Grand Duchy of Posen and to the liberty there granted for the use of the Polish language. The Emperor Nicholas flew into a temper and said that he might as well be living next to the Chamber of French Deputies. These details are quite official. I have them from the King himself whom I 47 saw for a long time yesterday at his sister's house, to whom I went to say good-bye. I found both of them much disturbed by the sentence of acquittal pronounced a few days ago in the notorious case of the false letters attributed to the King. [21] The verdict is in fact wrong and unjust, for no one knows the foolishness of these letters better than myself. On this occasion we talked of many matters which prove that no one can ever write too little, that hardly anything should be entrusted to paper and that letters should above all be destroyed. I went home feeling really terrified on this question.

Paris, May 1, 1841.—Yesterday I called upon the Duchesse d'Orléans to receive certain messages for Berlin. She showed me her two children: the eldest, the Comte de Paris, is the very image of his grandfather, the King, though he is shy and delicate; the second is like his mother and seems to be livelier than his brother.

Paris, May 3, 1841.—The weather has grown cooler in consequence of a storm during the night, which fortunately did not break soon enough to disturb the fireworks and the illuminations in honour of the baptism of the young prince. [22] The ceremony at Notre Dame passed off very well and was entirely noble and dignified. The little Prince was delightful. Every one noticed the admirable bearing of the Duchesse d'Orléans, her reverent bows and the care with which she crossed herself after entering the church. I should like to have gone, and the kindness of Madame Adélaïde had given me an excellent opportunity, but I was anxious about my daughter and did not go, as I did not wish to miss the doctor's visit. [23]

48 Paris, May 5, 1841.—M. Bresson, who came to say good-bye yesterday, seems destined to return to Madrid and is by no means pleased at the prospect. He evidently expected to go to Vienna. The King proposes to send Montebello to that capital, but M. Guizot, who is influenced by Madame de Lieven, wishes Vienna to be given to M. de Flahaut. Rumours are in wide circulation that Madame de Lieven is making the appointments to ambassadorial posts, and there is a violent outcry against her in the French diplomatic body.

Pauline is better, but not well enough to accompany me to Berlin. I am sorry to leave her, and the long journey weighs upon my mind. It is real isolation. I shall be truly glad when I find myself once more in Touraine; I feel that my real home is there, where I have my strongest interests, duties and a useful centre of work. Anywhere else I exist but do not put out roots.

Metz, May 6, 1841.—I am now far from Paris and regret nothing in it except my daughter, and have no great hopes that my journey will be a relaxation. I dread the annoyance of it and the wearing life of high roads and inns.

Mannheim, May 8, 1841.—I left Metz at midday, after a good rest. I then came on here without stopping, arriving at ten o'clock in the morning. I was not searched at the frontier, but a terrible storm in the night almost made me lose courage. However, I literally made head against the storm, and am now at Mannheim. The inevitable Schreckenstein was waiting for me and wished to take me to the castle where a room was ready for me. I declined, and think that I pleased others as much as myself by so doing. After dressing I called upon the Grand Duchess Stephanie who had placed a carriage at my disposal. She looks better than she did at Umkirch when she was suffering from her terrible illness, but she can hardly move her left arm and remains a little lame. It is whispered that what she considers to be rheumatism is something much more serious; the doctors wish to send her to Wildbad; she talks quite as usual. Princess Marie has grown rather heavy and is somewhat faded, not to any great extent, but there is no prospect that she will marry.

49 I called upon Baroness Sturmfeder, who is outwardly a great lady, and upon old Walsch, who was beguiling her old age with the Charivari, the Wasps and the Ready Made News, lampoons which are now fashionable; from such sources she derives her ideas and her kindly sentiments. After leaving the castle I was driven to the Duchess Bernard of Saxe Weimar whom I had seen in England; her husband is the loving and beloved uncle of the Duchess d'Orléans. This was a mark of respect upon my part, the more advisable as I am bound to meet them before long at dinner at the castle. I have now returned and am resting until dinner-time, which is at half-past four.

Since leaving Paris I have been reading a great deal, first a novel by Bulwer, Night and Morning; it is not uninteresting, but not equal to the early works of the same writer; then a short but delightful book, The Letters of the Princesse de Condé, sister of the last Duc de Bourbon, who died in the Temple as a nun. These letters were written in her youth to one who is still living, and of whom she was very fond, and quite unselfishly so. This was M. Ballanche, the friend of Madame Récamier, who published the letters without appearing as the hero of them. They are authentic, marked by simplicity, tenderness and loftiness of thought, full of devotion, delicacy, sentiment, reason and courage, and written at a time and in a society when the author, her style and her sentiments were quite exceptional. The book is most delightful. [24] Finally I have a small work by Lord Jocelyn, now the husband of Fanny Cowper, concerning the English campaign in China. I was attracted by the author's name, but found the book quite uninteresting.

Mannheim, May 9, 1841.—Yesterday I dined with the Grand Duchess, who afterwards showed me over the castle, which I pretended to see for the first time. She told me so many things that I can hardly remember any of them. One 50 point has remained in my mind, the fact that Princess Sophia of Würtemberg, who married the Hereditary Prince of the Low Countries, is on very bad terms with her mother-in-law, who will not even see her son's children. This Queen has introduced the strictest etiquette and an infinite variety of Court dress.

I also learnt that the King of Prussia had passed a law making divorce very difficult in his states. It certainly was scandalously easy to procure; but the Grand Duchess, who was expecting the divorce of Prince Frederick of Prussia, was greatly vexed by this disappointment. The fact is that poor Prince Frederick, whose wife is mad, ought to be provided with some means of breaking so sad a tie. The first use he would make of an opportunity would be to marry Princess Marie.

The Duchess of Weimar told me that her sister, the Dowager Queen of England, [25] had lost the use of one of her lungs and that the other was very delicate. The sight of the Duchess of Weimar reminded me of London, Windsor and the best time of my life. Her likeness to her sister, which extends even to her voice, though this was not their best feature, quite overcame me, as it reminded me of those years that are now so far away.

Mannheim, May 10, 1841.—I am about to leave Mannheim after a very kind reception. The poor Grand Duchess constantly talks of her death, though this does not prevent her making many plans. I wish she could realise her idea of marrying her daughter. She took me for a drive yesterday along a pretty part of the bank of the Rhine. A port has been made at Mannheim which attracts commerce and brings some life to this town where life has long been dormant. On the whole, I think the town preferable to Carlsruhe. I had a letter from my son-in-law written the day after my departure from Paris. Pauline was going on fairly well, though her nerves were still shaken and she was very weak. He also says: "At the Prince's baptism the register was signed in the following order: the King and his 51 family, then the Cardinals, the President and officials of the Chamber of Peers, then the President of the Chamber of Deputies. Then came the turn of M. de Salvandy, the vice-president, who publicly refused to sign on the ground that the Chamber of Deputies should not be represented as inferior to the Cardinals. He wishes to make a public matter of it, which will produce a bad effect, the more so as the Chamber, with reference to the law concerning secondary education, showed itself quite unfavourable to the religious reaction which is obviously in progress; moreover, such susceptibility might easily cause an unpleasant outburst.

Gelnhausen, May 11, 1841.—I travelled faster than I had thought possible, and instead of sleeping at Frankfort as I had intended I went ten leagues further, and am now lodged in a little inn which at any rate is clean; this will allow me to reach Gotha to-morrow without spending part of the night in my carriage. I had lunch at Darmstadt. Frankfort aroused many memories as I passed through it, for it is a town that I have crossed at different times, and in very different circumstances. The first of these was the most important, for at Frankfort I was married. Afterwards I saw my good friend Labouchère there for the first time; he has often reminded me of the incident since.

The Grand Duchess Stephanie has given me a book which has just been published at Stuttgart; obviously the publication was inspired by Austria, for the documents which the book contains seem to me to come from Vienna, and probably from the study of Prince Metternich or its neighbourhood. This little volume contains notes in French by Gentz upon several political questions, all treated in a spirit of great opposition to France. Their publication at this moment and the editor's preface seem to me to show that they have been produced with a purpose. The most interesting part of the book to me is the journal of Gentz kept during his stay at the Prussian headquarters the week before the battle of Jena. He was a close observer and a lively writer, and the result is quite interesting. There are also commentaries upon a correspondence between Mr. Fox and 52 M. de Talleyrand at the time when the peace of Amiens was broken. The book can certainly offer several forms of attraction.

Gotha, May 12, 1841.—I had proposed to arrive here yesterday evening but the outskirts of Fulda and Eisenach are so complicated that I had to sleep at Eisenach, where I naturally dreamt of St. Elizabeth. I am staying here for a few hours to see the Dowager Duchess who was a great favourite of my mother and was quite vexed with me last year because I left Germany without paying her a visit here. Apart from this, my monotonous travels are proceeding without incident and in fairly fine weather.

Wittenberg, May 13, 1841.—The Dowager Duchess of Gotha received me with the utmost kindness, asked me to dinner and hurriedly invited five or six people from the town who had known me in my youth. She dines at three o'clock and at six o'clock I asked leave to continue my journey. I would have stayed longer if the poor duchess had not grown so deaf that the honour of replying to her questions was literally exhausting. I preferred to spend the night in my carriage, for if I had slept at Gotha, I should certainly have had to spend the evening at the Castle. I am therefore going to take my rest here that I may not reach Berlin entirely exhausted. I have borne the journey very well so far and my little halt at Mannheim was a pleasant interruption to the monotony of my life on wheels.

For the last two days I have been reading a life of Queen Blanche of Castile by a certain lady whose work was well reviewed; the facts are interesting but the style is poor and the tone of the work is very anti-Catholic. While I am reading I cannot help conducting a silent course of refutation against the author; silence is very appropriate here at Wittenberg, the old cradle of the Reformation. From the convent of the Augustine monks, the ruins of which are now before my eyes, Luther launched his first firebrand, and he was buried in the church by the side of the inn.

Berlin, May 15, 1841.—I arrived here yesterday evening but have seen no one yet except my business man, Herr von 53 Wolff. At midday I called upon the Countess of Reede, the Queen's chief lady and an old friend of my mother, and then upon the chief lady of the Princess of Prussia, to deliver the numerous parcels which the Duchesse d'Orléans had asked me to take to this Princess. I then went to the Werthers, to Countess Pauline Neale and Madame de Perponcher and I found no one at home.

Berlin, May 16, 1841.—No one would guess who gave me his arm to the mass from which I have just come. It was Peter von Arenberg who has come to ask that his property on the right bank of the Rhine should be made an hereditary fief for one of his sons.

Berlin, May 17, 1841.—To-day is a day of sad and grievous memories, being the third anniversary of the death of our dear M. de Talleyrand. It is a day which always arouses many recollections and I am sure that these will not be without their influence upon others. I wish I could spend it in quiet thought, but that is impossible here.

Yesterday was an unusually busy day for me and I am quite wearied. Mass was followed by the necessary calls upon the great ladies of the country; dinner with the Wolffs; tea with Princess William, the King's aunt; a prima sera with the Radziwills; while I spent the latter part of the evening with the old Prince of Wittgenstein. Besides all this I had a long call from Humboldt who is starting for Paris in a few days. It was impossible to breathe. The worst part of it is that everything here begins so early and that the day is divided in an unusual and very disagreeable manner.

Berlin, May 18, 1841.—Yesterday I dined with the King and Queen who had come to spend a few hours in town. They were both most kind and pleasant. I saw Prince Frederick arrive from Dusseldorf, who is also one of the old acquaintances of my youth. He still looks surprisingly young. His wife is expected here; she seems to have become totally insane.

I heard yesterday, while dining with the King, that one 54 of the unfortunate Infantas of Spain whom their mother so cruelly placed in a convent, had escaped with a Polish refugee, but had been caught at Brussels; a fine escapade for a princess! It seems impossible to repress Spanish blood at the age of twenty. The King also said that Espartero had been proclaimed sole regent and dictator in Spain.

Berlin, May 20, 1841 (Ascension Day).—Yesterday I went from Berlin to Potsdam by the first train. The King had asked me to be present at a great parade. It was a fine spectacle. The weather was propitious, the troops splendid, and the music magnificent, but the day was somewhat fatiguing.

The day before yesterday I dined with the Princess of Prussia and in the evening I went to a rout given by Countess Nostitz, the sister of Count Hatzfeldt. All that I have to do is to go about, to show good temper, kindliness and gratitude for my many kind receptions; at the same time, when I can return to my idle life I shall be delighted.

Berlin, May 21, 1841.—There is a great monotony about life here; dinners with princes, etc. Yesterday I dined with Princess Charles, after spending an hour with the Princess of Prussia, whose conversation is lofty and serious. In the evening I spent some time by the arm-chair of the old Countess of Reede and with her daughter Perponcher. I was then obliged to show myself at the Werthers, who are at home on Thursdays.

Berlin, May 22, 1841.—Yesterday evening I went to the Wolffs to meet various learned men, artists and literary people. At Berlin the upper-middle-class society provides the pleasantest opportunities for conversation.

The present King has great ideas for adorning his capital, and is giving a remarkable stimulus to Art.

Life proceeds much as usual. Yesterday I dined with Princess William the aunt, and spent the first part of the evening with the Princess of Prussia and the latter part of it with Madame de Perponcher, where a distinguished artist, Hensel, showed us his sketch-book, which was full of strange portraits. The heat was unusual.

55 Princess Frederick of Dusseldorf, who is not quite right in her head at times, was dining with Princess William. She must have been rather pretty, and there is nothing unusual about her.

Pauline writes from Paris that she is going to Geneva for change of air and to try her strength, and that if she feels better, she will travel through Bavaria and meet me at Vienna.

I am returning this morning to Potsdam, where I have promised to spend the day, and shall come back to-morrow. How pleasant it would be to find myself once more in my little manor house at Touraine.

Berlin, May 24, 1841.—As the evening party at Potsdam was over at ten o'clock, I was able to return here in the evening by the last train, after spending the day with the Queen. She improves greatly upon close acquaintance, as is usually the case with persons who are simple and somewhat reserved. We had a pleasant drive in the evening, and an interesting conversation at tea-time under the portico of the Charlottenhof, when the King talked much upon the state of Art in Germany.

Berlin, May 25, 1841.—Yesterday I went to the manœuvres with the Princess of Prussia, her young son and Princess Charles. The King's staff was most brilliant, our position was excellent, the weather was perfect, and the sight of the troops, of the spectators who had come from the town in crowds, of the ladies' carriages, and in short of the whole gathering, made the subject worthy of the brush of Horace Vernet; nor did the business last long, an hour and not more. The Princess of Prussia took me back to lunch with her and kept me talking almost until dinner-time. Madame Perponcher came to fetch me to dine near her mother's chair, as her gout still keeps her somewhat of a prisoner. I then went to the Radziwills to the jubilee festival of the Academy of Singing. The Academy is composed of four hundred and fifty members, amateurs of every class: by their rules they are not allowed to use any instrument but a piano and may perform only sacred music. The institution thus resembles 56 the Ancient Music at London, but the performance here was infinitely better, and was marked by a unity, an accuracy and a majesty truly remarkable. None but Germans could thus sing the most complicated fugues without the help of an orchestra and with such tremendous tone.

I then went to an evening reception given by the Countess Neale, where Lord William Russell told me that his Ministry had suffered a heavy defeat in Parliament, but he did not seem to think they would resign. He told me that poor Mitford, whom I recently met unexpectedly as he was leaving the diligence at Fulda to meet his wife at Wiesbaden, found that she had deserted him with Francis Molyneux of all people. She is not very young or very beautiful, and she has several children.

My son, Valençay, writes that the races at Chantilly were most brilliant and fashionable. He stayed at the Château, and is loud in his praises. He says that the Infanta who was caught and brought back, is now staying with Madame Duchâtel, the wife of the Minister of the Interior, as she positively refuses to return to her mother, whom she fears would beat her. She persists in saying that she married the Pole, but refuses to disclose the name of the priest who married them.

Berlin, May 26, 1841.—The old King of the Low Countries, who is here incognito as the Comte de Nassau, is in very bad health, and is said to be attacked by senile gangrene. His wife, [26] who is very kindly treated by the Prussian Royal Family, takes great care of the King who cannot do without her for a moment. She never leaves his side. People say that she is really very bored and disgusted by this illustrious marriage which Holland will not recognise in spite of the old King's fury. The refusal to give recognition in Holland is based upon the fact that the marriage banns were not published, nor did any one venture to publish them, as the most violent public demonstrations were feared.

Yesterday morning I accompanied the Wolffs and Herr von Olfers, the Director of the School of Fine Arts, to the studio of Wichmann, to whom I had given an order to copy a 57 charming model that I had seen of a nymph drawing water. It will be finished in a year.

The Prince of Prussia paid me a long and interesting visit. He talked a great deal about the state of the country and the difficulty of government. Difficulties there certainly are, but there is also here a solid basis on which to rest.

Berlin, May 28, 1841.—Yesterday morning was spent with Herr von Wolff discussing business. Our conversation was interrupted by the Court High Marshal, who brought me a very touching present from the King. It is a copy in iron of a statue which I had admired last year at Charlottenhof; a young faun upon a pillar in the midst of a basin pouring water out of an urn upon which he is crouched. The whole work is six feet high and very pretty. The King told me that he would ask me to have it placed upon one of the terraces of Rochecotte, which shall certainly be done.

I dined with Princess Albert. Her father is better, and she is starting with him shortly for Silesia. Her husband wearied me, and she herself is like a colt broken loose. In fact the whole household was not to my taste. Herr and Frau von Redern, who were also dining there, took me to their box to hear Seidelmann in the part of the Jew. [27] He is now the fashionable actor, but he compares unfavourably with my recollections of Iffland.

Berlin, May 30, 1841.—The Radziwills most kindly arranged a musical matinée at their house in a pretty vaulted room opening on to their splendid garden. Goethe's Faust was performed which had been set to music by the late Prince Radziwill, the father of the present generation. Devrient, the first tragedian from the Berlin theatre, declaimed certain passages to musical accompaniments, and a large body from the Conservatoire gave the choruses. The general effect was excellent and gave me real pleasure. [28]

58 Berlin, May 31, 1841.—I propose to leave here to-morrow for Dresden and to proceed thence to Vienna.

Yesterday I went to the High Mass of Pentecost which was very well performed and sung in the Catholic church, but the church was so crowded and the heat so suffocating that I thought I should be ill. However, on leaving Mass I had to appear at the farewell audiences of the Princess of Prussia and of Princess Charles, and then to dine with an old friend. While we were at table I received an invitation to go to tea at Schönhausen, the summer residence of the King, two leagues from Berlin. I was fortunately able to reach Schönhausen in time, and after tea I stayed on to supper which was served in the open air under a verandah lighted by lamps. Apart from the Royal Family and the officials on duty there were the Duke and Duchess of Leuchtenberg, Herr von Arenberg, myself, Rauch, Thorwaldsen and the chief director of the museum, Herr von Olfers. It was an agreeable and interesting party. Thorwaldsen has a fine head resembling that of Cuvier, but he wears his hair in a strange manner, long white locks falling over his shoulders. I prefer the features of Rauch which are better proportioned, and in my opinion nobler and simpler. The Duchess Marie of Leuchtenberg is extremely like her father, the Emperor Nicholas, though with a very different expression: her head is classical in form, but too long for her body which is small; she is as white as a lily, but her finical and fantastic manners did not charm me. The Queen had mentioned me to her, and the King introduced me to the Duke of Leuchtenberg, who is strikingly like his sister, the Duchess of Braganza, though his general appearance is common and does not justify the marriage he has made. At Schönhausen I paid my last farewells.

Dresden, June 2, 1841.—The day before yesterday I left Berlin overwhelmed and spoilt with kindness, but wearied 59 by the dreadful heat. The Baron von Werther whom I saw on my last day at Berlin, told me he feared that M. Bresson had not been entirely happy during the last years of his stay; that his speech had caused much displeasure and inspired great distrust; that he was ill-informed if he thought the contrary; and that all his reliable sources of information had been closed since the death of the old King. The Princess of Prussia and Madame Perponcher spoke to the same effect. I also learnt that when the treaty of July 15 was made known here, M. Bresson committed an inconceivable outburst, drove down the Unter den Linden and shouted war in the wildest manner. I am really sorry that he should re-enter upon a position that he has spoilt.

Dresden, June 3, 1841.—Yesterday evening I went to the theatre to see the new auditorium which has a great reputation throughout Germany. It is, in fact, of considerable size, pretty and well decorated. The boxes are convenient, the seats comfortable and there is an air of grandeur about the whole. The decorations are fresh, the costumes brilliant and the orchestra good, but the singers so bad that I could only stay for half an hour.

Prague, June 5, 1841.—Prague is not without interest for me. I there spent the year of mourning for my father with my mother and sisters and afterwards revisited the town upon two occasions shortly after the Congress of Vienna. I have been spending to-day there and think I have driven round to every object of interest: the chief churches, the tomb of Tycho Brahé and his observatory; all the offerings in honour of St. John Nepomucenos, his relics, the old castle, the Calvary from whence Prague is to be seen as a panorama; Wallenstein's war horse, which has been stuffed, and the various traces of the Hussite war and of the Thirty Years War; the bombs thrown by Frederick II.; the chapel where Charles X. prayed twice a day and which was restored by him, bears the arms of France and of Navarre. Prague, like Nuremburg, is one of the oldest towns in Germany: the latter may be more interesting to artists, but the former is more attractive to the archaeologist, and I am one of the latter class. 60 Prague contains sixteen convents, every class of monk is to be found there, and though upon a much larger scale it reminds me of Friburg in Switzerland. Especially characteristic are the large residences, almost all kept by the great Bohemian lords who own them and who are generally deserting Prague in favour of Vienna. I was curious enough to look in at the theatre of the Leopold Stadt to see a local farce played by a Vienna company. The auditorium which was by no means beautiful, was crowded and the laughter was loud and long; I stayed only a short time as it was too hot and the Vienna lazzi are not to my taste. I do not understand them.

Vienna, June 8, 1841.—I had a most unpleasant journey from Prague hither. The weather had broken: it was cold, stormy, and damp; I spent the first night in my carriage and the second in a small inn, eventually arriving here at three o'clock this afternoon. I am staying in rooms which my sisters had engaged for me. I have already seen my quondam brother-in-law, the Count of Schulenburg, whom I shall make my major-domo, for which position he is exactly suited.

It is strange to be once more at Vienna. [29] The whole of my destiny is contained in the name of this city, and here my life of devotion to M. de Talleyrand began and that strange and unusual association was formed which could only be broken by death, though broken is the wrong word; I should have said interrupted, for I have constantly felt during the past year that we shall meet elsewhere. At Vienna I entered upon that troublesome and attractive life of publicity which rather wearies than flatters me. I found much amusement here and many occasions for tears: my life became complicated and I was involved in the storms which have so long roared about me. Of the many who turned my 61 head and provided me with amusement and excitement, none remain. Old and young, men and women, all have disappeared; indeed the whole world has undergone two changes since that time. My poor sister with whom I was to live, is also dead. Prince Metternich alone remains; he has sent me very pleasant messages and I shall probably see him to-morrow.

I doubt if I shall sleep to-night; I am greatly disturbed by the ghosts which haunt these scenes and which all speak with one voice of the vanity of the things of this world.

Vienna, June 10, 1841.—The choice of M. de Flahaut as French ambassador here, which recent news from Paris represents as increasingly possible, has aroused general dissatisfaction. Madame de Flahaut wrote to Lord Beauvale, the English ambassador, to try and disarm this opposition and said that people need not be afraid of her husband's appointment as she would not be able to follow him for a long time. This is certainly an unusual method of seeking popularity.

I went back to my house yesterday at two o'clock in the afternoon to await Prince Metternich who had sent word to say that he would come at that time. He kept his appointment and I did not find him greatly changed. It is a real pleasure to see him again and to find him in possession of all his freshness of mind, his power of judgment, his wide knowledge of men and affairs and his genial kindness to myself which has never varied. He stayed for two hours upon which I look back with great pleasure. As a rule he never pays personal visits. His wife sent to say that she would have come if she had not been afraid of wearying me, as she was extremely anxious to make my acquaintance. No one could have been kinder; I am dining with them to-day in their suburban villa where they are spending the spring.

I hear that Schlegel, the platonic admirer of Madame de Staël, is at Berlin to help in the publication of the works of Frederick the Great. M. Thiers was expected there and I am glad to have missed him. It has been decided to receive him as a member of the Academy and as a historian, but not 62 as a politician and certainly not as a statesman. Meanwhile M. Guizot seems to be taking walks with the Princess de Lieven at nine o'clock in the morning in the gardens of the Tuileries, which is their mode of observing nature.

I found that Marshal Marmont had called when I came home yesterday evening. I had seen him from a distance at the opera.

Vienna, June 11, 1841.—Yesterday I dined with Prince Metternich. He has a pretty house like a small edition of Neuilly, and has collected many artistic objects which are tastefully interspersed with fine flowers and many other things without any appearance of overcrowding. There were at dinner, apart from the master and mistress of the house, only the unmarried daughter of his first marriage, my sisters, the Louis Saint-Aulaire, husband and wife, and the two Herren von Hügel, who are constant visitors at the house. Princess Metternich is very pretty, quite natural and attractive, an original character; and as she was kind enough to be anxious to please me, she naturally succeeded without difficulty. After dinner I called upon some members of the Hohenzollern family who are here, and finally went to tea with an old friend of my sisters'. There were a dozen people present who were all unknown to me apart from Prince Windisch-Graetz, a Count O'Donnel, a survivor of the Hotel de Ligne, and Marshal Marmont, who did not seem to have changed.

Vienna, June 12, 1841.—Yesterday morning I went with my sisters to call upon their great friend Princess Amelia of Sweden, at whose house I met her sister, the Grand Duchess of Oldenberg; she is going to Munich with her husband to see the Queen of Greece, who has come there in the course of a tour. I then called upon a Polish lady whom I had known long ago at the house of Princess Tyszkiewicz at Paris, whose niece she was. She was then called Madame Sobánska and enjoyed a certain reputation. I found her considerably changed; she is a person of wit and some beauty, but is rather spiteful and a gossip—a character to be feared. I had hardly returned from these 63 calls when Marshal Marmont came in. He talked a great deal of his anxiety to return to France, but I think pecuniary rather than political reasons are the hindrance. He spends his life here at the French Embassy.

Vienna, June 14, 1841.—Yesterday I went to hear mass at the Church of the Capuchins, with the intention of afterwards seeing Father Francis, who was with my sister in her last moments. I was anxious to learn from him some details on the subject of religion which my other sisters could not give me. I found him a pleasant and clever man, who seemed to conceal beneath his mendicant friar's dress a considerable knowledge of the world and a considerable power of making his way in it. He is said to be the director here of all whose consciences are divided between God and the world, a difficult task in which success is not easy.

Vienna, June 15, 1841.—Louis de Sainte-Aulaire came to see me yesterday morning. He told me that the illness of Marshal Soult to which the newspapers refer, is not so much connected with the law concerning recruiting, against which the Duc d'Orléans publicly voted, as due to an outbreak of paternal rage. He regards the nomination of M. de Flahaut to Vienna as a slight upon his son; he threatened to resign, and it is not yet known whether M. de Flahaut will have the honour of dislocating the Cabinet or whether he will be obliged to abandon Vienna. M. Bresson has started from Paris for Berlin in a very bad temper.

Vienna, June 16, 1841.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven from Paris; she writes as follows: "Marshal Soult has caused a small municipal crisis. The Duc d'Orléans voted against him upon the recruiting law: the Marshal's views were rejected and he was extremely angry; the result being a fit of palpitations with a possibility of an apoplectic stroke; hence the threat to resign. It is very doubtful whether he can be appeased, and his wife is most anxious about his health. It is a great perplexity, as the two positions which he occupied will have to be filled. M. Guizot has resolved not to become President of the 64 Council; however, there is some hope that the Marshal will remain in office. In England there is a far more serious crisis. Parliament will be probably be dissolved to-morrow, but the electoral outlook is doubtful. Possibly a House of Commons may be returned similar to the House now to be dissolved, in which case it will be impossible for any one to govern the country. Meanwhile much agitation prevails. The Eastern Question is by no means settled; on the contrary, Turkey grows daily more disturbed.

"Lady Jersey is anxious for her daughter to marry Nicholas Esterhazy. The young people are extremely fond of one another. Paul Esterhazy is trying to get out of the matter which is difficult.

"The Prince de Joinville was most warmly received at the Hague. The King and Queen overwhelmed him with marks of violence. What impression will this make at St. Petersburg?

"M. de Flahaut has been nominated as Ambassador to Vienna. The proposal has been accepted but with no great warmth. In any case there can be no further changes or nominations, for the London post remains vacant, as Lord Palmerston will not conclude the eastern problem, and nothing will be done until Sainte Aulaire has gone to London."

Vienna, June 17, 1841.—Charles de Talleyrand came yesterday to tell me the latest news from Paris. Marshal Soult's quarrel has been settled: he will remain in office, and his son-in-law will go to Rome as ambassador; the Marshal is to receive 600,000 francs in payment of some loan which he professes to have made to the State. The Turko-Egyptian business is settled: the act will be ratified and sent to Alexandria, and the five Courts will meet at London if they have not already come to an agreement.

Vienna, June 18, 1841.—Yesterday evening I went to hear a German tragedy and then to tea with Prince Metternich. At the end of the evening the Prince began to talk over a round table, and was most kind and interesting. Except on Sundays when they are at home he sees very little society, 65 and his house in my opinion is the pleasanter in consequence. Marshal Marmont is there every day.

Vienna, June 19, 1841.—Yesterday I went with my sisters to visit the Imperial Picture Gallery. I am surprised that it is not better known, for it contains some most beautiful works. It lies outside the town in a palace called the Belvedere, which was built by Prince Eugène of Savoy. The interior is very handsome.

I dined at the house of Princess Paul Esterhazy and with Prince and Princess Metternich and their daughter, Prince Wenzel, Lichtenstein, Schulenburg, Lord Rokeby, Count Haugwitz and Baron von Hügel. Princess Esterhazy was very amusing with her fear of Lady Jersey as mother-in-law. The marriage, however, has not been definitely settled.

Vienna, June 21, 1841.—I am delighted to hear that you like Fenelon's Letters. [30] They explain everything in a form which illustrates the faithful and courageous devotion paid to this kindly and holy Archbishop by the courtiers of the great King. He is able to give a charm and a grandeur to religion, to make it at once simple and attractive by its loftiness. If to read the story with his intercourse with his friends does not produce conversion, at any rate no one can fail to derive from it a love of goodness, of beauty, and a desire to lead a better life as a prelude to a good death.

The History of Port Royal by Sainte-Beuve is certainly interesting. It is a great subject, but treated in a style which is neither sufficiently serious nor simple, and cannot worthily represent the austere and imposing figures of Jansenism.

Vienna, June 25, 1841.—I propose to start next Wednesday and from Prague to take the road which will bring me back to my nieces in Saxony; from thence I shall go by Lusatia to upper Silesia to see my sister Hohenzollern who will be there at that time, and shall afterwards go to my own property at Wartenberg where I hope to be on July 26.

Vienna, June 26, 1841.—Yesterday I dined with Prince Metternich; only the family were present. I went on to the 66 theatre and afterwards to the Volksgarten, a kind of Tivoli, where Strauss plays his waltzes, where Styrians sing and all the good or bad society of Vienna meets during this season. My sisters who were with me, then took me to their house where we had tea.

Lord Palmerston rouses much discontent as he continually raises some new obstacle when the Egyptian question is at the point of conclusion. His conduct is strangely tactless. All kinds of conjectures are in the air and much exasperation was displayed where I was dining yesterday.

Vienna, June 28, 1841.—The weather here yesterday was most remarkable: after midday a violent wind arose which raised clouds of dust, completely shrouding the town and suburbs; the burning wind was a real sirocco which withered and exhausted every one.

I went to mass at the Capuchin church to say goodbye to Father Francis who gave me his blessing. I then returned home to wait for Marshal Marmont who had asked permission to read me forty pages from the manuscript of his memoirs which he has devoted to justifying his conduct during July 1830. I was unable to refuse. I learnt nothing particularly fresh, as I knew all the remarkable facts which clearly prove that the imbecility of the Government was incomparable and that the Marshal was very unfortunate in being called to conduct a business both ill-devised and ill-prepared; so he needed no justification in my eyes, but I was interested to hear full details of the scene with the Dauphin, of which I knew nothing and the words and gestures of which pass the powers of imagination. [31] The reading was interrupted by various reflections and was further prolonged for the reason that the Marshal reads slowly and continually stammers and hums and haws. His delivery is extremely laboured.

67 I then went with my brother-in-law, Schulenberg, to dine with the Countess Nandine Karolyi at Hitzinger, a village near Schönbrunn. I was by no means anxious to go but as she had been so kind as to ask me, I could not refuse. She lives in one half of a charming cottage which belongs to Charles von Hügel, the traveller whose infatuation for Princess Metternich drove him to spend seven years in the East. On his return he built this house and has filled it with curiosities from India. He lives in one half of the house and Nandine in the other. It is prettily situated, surrounded with flowers and looks quite English. I was by no means delighted with the dinner. The mistress of the house is eccentric, an exaggeration of the Vienna type, and the gentlemen about her corresponded. I went away as soon as possible and spent an hour in farewell talk with Princess Louise of Schönburg.

Vienna, June 29, 1841.—Yesterday at night-fall I went with my sisters, Schulenberg and Count Haugwitz to the Volksgarten where the whole of Vienna does its best to enjoy the dew amid clouds of tobacco smoke. Fireworks and Strauss were the amusements provided. One positive refreshment was the ices, of which an enormous quantity seemed to be consumed. The population of Vienna are quiet, well-dressed, entirely respectable and very mixed, for in these amusements the aristocracy take part. There was no sign of a policeman, nor were any needed.

Vienna, June 30, 1841.—I am leaving Vienna this evening. The heat continues to be extreme and will make my journey very unpleasant. I shall not send off this letter until I reach Dresden; correspondence is more certain outside the Austrian states. I do not mind people reading my expressions of affections, but my impressions and opinions are another matter. I trust therefore that I have been prudent in this respect during my stay here.

Tabor, July 1, 1841.—I left Vienna yesterday at seven o'clock in the evening. In the afternoon I had a visit from Prince Metternich. He was kind and confidential, and the idea that he has deteriorated is quite wrong. Perhaps he 68 expresses himself more slowly and vaguely than he used to do, but his ideas are in no way confused, his opinions are firm and decided, he remains moderate and gentle in temper, and in short is entirely himself. He strongly advised me to return by way of Johannisberg, whither he will go from Königswart in the month of August and stay until September. His wife urged me to do the same and showed me the utmost kindness. Her beauty strongly appeals to me, though it is a style often spoilt by harshness of voice, common manners or vulgar language. She is generally disliked at Vienna to my astonishment, for I think she is good-hearted though unpolished. Several people kindly came to say good-bye at the last moment. My sisters, with Schulenburg and Count Maurice Esterhazy, who is the smallest and liveliest of the family, accompanied me two leagues beyond Vienna, where my travelling carriage was waiting for me. Count Esterhazy is the same who was at Paris; he was afterwards attached to the Austrian embassy at Berlin, where I last saw him. This post he left a few days before I came to Vienna, as he is going to Italy, where his mother is now lying ill. He is a close friend of my sisters', somewhat malicious like all very small men, but a pleasant talker and far more civilised and in better taste than people generally are at Vienna, especially the men, who are usually very ignorant. On the whole I prefer Berlin to Vienna society. At Vienna people are richer and more high and mighty and their naturalness is affected: at Berlin I admit there is more affectation, but there is much more culture and intellectualism. Life at Vienna is extremely free and easy: people do anything they please without being regarded as eccentric, but though no one is surprised at his neighbour's doings slander is as commonly current as elsewhere, and I am ready to assert that a false good nature of a very dangerous kind is prevalent. At Berlin life is more formal and more attention is paid to a certain decorum: the consequence is some stiffness, but words are more carefully weighed, and as there is less reason for backbiting there is more real kindliness. Personally I have nothing but praise for the hospitality of either town and remain entirely grateful 69 to them both. I was especially struck at Vienna by the manner in which men and women commonly address one another by their baptismal names; however slight acquaintanceship is, provided people belong to the same clique, family names disappear, and to use them is thought a mark of bad taste. Women are constantly kissing one another and invariably upon the lips, which I think horrible. Men continually kiss ladies' hands, and at first sight society seems to be composed of brothers and sisters. Perhaps twenty people in speaking to me or in reference to me would say "Dorothea;" those less familiar would say "Duchess Dorothea;" the most formal would use the term "dear Duchess," but no one would say "Madame" or "Madame la Duchesse." I am astonished that anything remains of my hands; and my cheeks, which I try to substitute for my lips, have suffered a perfect martyrdom. The coquetry of the women at Vienna is obvious, nor is any attempt made to disguise it, though the churches are full and the confessionals besieged; but there is no appearance of real devotion, and the sincere and active faith of the Royal Family has no influence upon society, which displays its independence by habitual opposition to the Court.

Dresden, July 3, 1841.—I have now returned to my starting point of a month ago. I came here from Tabor without stopping, except for dinner at Prague and for lunch this morning at Teplitz. I am never wearied by the country between Teplitz and Dresden. It is Saxony in all its beauty, rich and smiling and pleasantly united to the strength and wildness of Bohemia. It is the only picturesque part of the journey between Vienna and Dresden apart from Prague and its neighbourhood.

At the gates of Teplitz I saw a procession of pilgrims descending from a chapel upon a hill with rosaries in their hands, singing psalms; it was a touching sight and I should like to have gone up to worship in my turn but the approach of a storm obliged me to continue my journey without stopping.

I am reading the History of the Life, the Writings and the 70 Doctrine of Luther by M. Audin. It is the most learned, impartial, interesting and Catholic study of the subject that I have come across. As I left Vienna I finished the Life of the Saint Dominic by the Abbé Lacordaire, which is written with a view to effect and pleased me only moderately.

I hear in the inn that M. Thiers has been expected for the last three days. I hope he will not arrive until after my departure to-morrow. I propose to reach Königsbruck this evening and to stay a few days with my nieces.

Königsbruck, July 5, 1841.—I reached here yesterday at five o'clock. At Dresden I had a call from Duke Bernard of Saxe Weimar who was staying in the same hotel as myself. He was coming from Berlin where he had been spending a fortnight with his niece, the Princess of Prussia.

In the same hotel I also met Countess Strogonoff, formerly Countess Ega, whom I had seen last year at Baden and who then pleased me greatly. She told me that as soon as I had left Baden, Madame de Nesselrode spent every evening until she started for Paris at the public gaming-table, playing Benacet, opposite the old Elector of Hesse, and that she lost or won during the evening with the same imperturbable calmness the twenty louis which she had made her limit. What a strange person!

At Dresden during mass I saw the widow of Prince Maximilian of Saxony, who had returned from Rome where she married her chamberlain, a certain Count Rossi, a cousin of the husband of Fraulein Sontag. She is obliged to return to Dresden from time to time under the terms of her marriage settlement. Her husband accompanies her and continues to act as chamberlain. She seems to me to be neither young nor pretty, well made nor fashionable; he is a tall man with an imperial beard and the air peculiar to the husband of a princess.

I also found here the Count of Hohenthal, his wife and Fanny, my two nieces, who received me most affectionately and were full of their travels in Italy. The weather is beautiful and the peace and silence of the country are 71 delightful. I have also found letters from Paris. M. Molé writes four pages which seem to contain no news except that Madame de Lieven reigns and governs at Paris, to say the least of her.

The Duchesse d'Albuféra tells me that the Princesse de Lieven is giving little musical evenings to bring out her niece, Countess Annette Apponyi. The princesse is resuming all the tastes of her youth and happiness. It will be fortunate if the powers of M. Guizot would also revive the destinies of France and make them flourish.

The Duchesse de Montmorency writes to say that the Vicomtesse de Chateaubriand has gone to take up her duties with the Duchesse de Berry. Would any one have suspected that she was a court lady? She has sought this distinction long ago. She took with her the nurse of the Duc de Bordeaux, the one who was only able to nurse him for three days. It is a strange journey and I do not understand the meaning of it.

The Duc de Noailles writes to say that in view of Eastern events brought about by the successive revolt of the provinces, a movement at Paris is being prepared similar to that which took place to meet the case of Greece some years ago. A committee is being formed for the relief, that is to say, for the revolt of the Christian populations in the East. This committee is composed of men from the Left and the Centre; the Legitimists have been asked to join and have been offered the presidency which would be given to the Duc de Noailles himself. The question has been complicated by the Royalist party which also wished to act in the same direction but tactlessly began upon too small a scale.

My son, M. de Dino, informs me that a recent decree issued by the Archbishop of Paris, orders that there are to be no doors in the middle of the confessionals. This is said to be thought very ridiculous. It is a somewhat humiliating precaution for the clergy and is also quite superfluous, for the sides of the confessional boxes are shut in so that the penitents and the confessors are always separated and when the middle is closed the confessor can listen to the penitents 72 without distraction. Mgr. Affre can devise nothing that is not ridiculous.

Königsbruck, July 6, 1841.—I am grieved to hear the news which has just reached me of the death of the Queen of Hanover; [32] another figure of my London life thus disappears.

The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes that the Princesse de Lieven is leading quite a pastoral life in her little house at Beauséjour, where she spends the day. She has a little garden which she waters with little watering-pots which M. Guizot was seen to bring to her door in the Rue Saint-Florentin. He goes to dinner at Beauséjour every day. At the funeral of M. Garnier-Pagès, the radical deputy, the crowd was so great that the procession extended from the Bastille to the door of Saint-Denis. The speeches delivered over the tomb were all full of revolutionary and religious maxims in the style of The Words of a Believer by M. de Lamennais. The editor of the Peuple wrote, "We offer you our regrets, but these are not enough, we offer you also our promises!" Such is my delightful news from Paris.

Hohlstein, July 11, 1841.—I left my nieces the day before yesterday after dinner and arrived here yesterday morning. [33] I crossed the whole of Lusatia which is a fine province. The weather had cleared up but as soon as I arrived here the rain began furiously; it has rained all night and is now falling heavily, to the detriment of the fine view which I ought to have from my bedroom windows which look upon the Silesian mountains.

Hohlstein, July 13, 1841.—Yesterday I took advantage of several intermissions in the bad weather to visit the park, the kitchen garden and the surroundings. It is all pretty and well kept and sometimes picturesque. I have a letter from Madame d'Albuféra from which I extract the following: "Madame de Flahaut is starting to-morrow with her 73 daughters for Ems. She is deeply grieved concerning the talk about her husband. Yesterday she was in tears at Beauséjour while visiting Princesse de Lieven. It does not seem to be entirely settled whether they will go to Vienna or not. There is a general idea that M. Bresson will be appointed to Vienna and that the Marquis of Dalmatia will take his place at Berlin. Turin and Madrid will then remain vacant. Madame de Flahaut told me that if either of them were offered to her husband, she would be inclined to refuse but that the decision would lie with him. I know that his friends would advise him to accept. He is staying at Paris to see the end of the business and hides his agitation better than his wife; but he is plainly ill at ease for several reasons. Naples is out of the question, as it is said that the King will not have them there.

"Events in England increase the depression of Madame de Flahaut. The triumph of the Tories appears certain and the overthrow of the Whigs inevitable. The Granvilles are at La Jonchère [34] awaiting the result. Lord Granville cannot move and can only speak with difficulty, but his mental powers are unimpaired."

Hohlstein, July 21, 1841.—The newspapers give official news of the date when the plenipotentiaries of the five Courts signed the joint protocol referring to the East. [35] I imagine that this will enable the final rearrangement of the French diplomatic body to be made.

I have a long letter from M. de Chalais which speaks only of his private life and gives me no news except that the Princesse de Lieven has written a long letter to the Duc de Noailles asking that she might be allowed to appoint him her executor in her will, as she says that she has an intuition that she will die at Paris. Meanwhile she seems to be excellently well.

M. Royer-Collard writes as follows in reference to the 74 speech before the Academy of M. de Sainte-Aulaire: "I must say a word concerning the reception of Sainte-Aulaire; the newspapers flatter him; the audience was very brilliant but the speech of the new member colourless and cold. M. Roger's speech was more successful than it deserved to be; so much the worse for the public." M. Royer-Collard also told me that after paying a visit to Versailles with his daughter, he had another attack of the fever which nearly carried him off a few years ago at Châteauvieux. It is obvious that his system then received a shock from which it will never recover.

Günthersdorf, July 27, 1841.—I left Hohlstein the day before yesterday in the morning and reached Sagan at two o'clock. After dinner I went to the castle to select certain family portraits of which I wish copies to be made for Rochecotte. I then went to the church to decide the place and the form of the little monument which is now to be erected in memory of my father. It is time that this was done, as he has now been buried in the church for forty years, and apart from tradition no one knows the place of his burial. Yesterday I went at an early hour to the little church which is picturesquely situated at the end of the park of Sagan, in the vault of which the remains of my late sister have been laid. Mass was said there at my request for the repose of her soul. The church was filled with beautiful flowers and rare plants brought by the castle gardener; a considerable number of people were also present. I then set out for Deutsch-Wartenberg which belongs to me and came on here in the evening with Herr von Wolff who is staying for two or three days, to meet Herr von Gersdorf whom I expect. They have to settle between them the legal questions which have arisen between my sons and my sister Hohenzollern, concerning the allodial claims of the latter to the greater part of Sagan.

I found that some improvements had been made here; the garden is well kept and everything perfectly neat.

I have several letters. Madame de Lieven writing under date July 15 tells me that Queen Victoria is paying a round 75 of visits to the Whig Ministers, a proceeding which is thought very inadvisable in the present situation and that no one would be astonished if she began a coup d'état rather than endure a Tory Ministry. It is also possible that to avoid Sir Robert Peel she may summon Lord Liverpool, a measure not likely to meet with success. It is said that the eldest son of Lady Jersey is to marry the daughter of Sir Robert Peel; that Lady Palmerston is quite revolutionary in her sentiments and more furious than any one because she is obliged to leave the Ministry. All these rumours are extremely vague.

The Duchesse de Montmorency tells me of the marriage of Mlle. Vandermarck, daughter of the stockbroker, with the Comte de Panis, owner of the fine château of Borelli near Marseilles.

Günthersdorf, July 31, 1841.—A letter from M. Bresson from Berlin tells me that he is expecting General de Rumigny to stay from the 15th to the 20th of August, as the King of Prussia has invited him to the manœuvres in Silesia and at Berlin. He tells me that M. and Madame Thiers are to arrive at Berlin at the same time. The Duc de Noailles writes that Lady Clanricarde will spend the next winter at Paris and that Lord Cowley's nomination in place of Lord Granville is expected. He adds that the little Rachel has just arrived at Paris; that only Marshal Soult's triumph in England could be compared to hers; that he had letters from her in London in which she showed the utmost delight over her success, though remarkable to relate, her head was not turned by it. I think that the Duc's head would be less steady under such circumstances.

Günthersdorf, August 1, 1841.—Madame de Perponcher tells me that the King of Hanover is quite overwhelmed by the death of his wife, over whom he seems to have watched most admirably. For a long time he was under a delusion concerning the state of her health and when the doctors told him that there was no hope, he was completely crushed. However, as soon as he recovered his spirits he went to the Queen and spoke of her religious duties as well as a Catholic 76 could have done. The Queen heard the terrible news with the utmost firmness and received the communion with the King, her daughter, the Duchess of Anhalt and poor Prince George. The despair of the latter was heartrending; as he could not see his mother, he could not be persuaded that she was dead and insisted that he should be allowed to touch her body. As soon as the father put the mother's cold hand in that of her son, the poor blind man was overcome with a kind of madness. He has since been sent to the seaside. These details are cruel and really most heartrending.

Günthersdorf, August 6, 1841.—My sisters have been here since the first of the month and seem to enjoy themselves in spite of the terrible weather.

Yesterday I had a letter from M. Bresson who says: "There is no positive news from Paris: M. de Flahaut has refused Turin and declines to commit himself concerning the offer of Madrid. He says that he maintains the fact that Vienna was offered to him, which M. Guizot will not admit. Whether it was offered or not, he is doing his utmost to secure it and Madame de Flahaut is watching from Ems for the arrival of Prince and Princess Metternich at the Johannisberg. I remain in an attitude of expectation and am resolved only to leave Berlin for Vienna or London.

"Herr von Werther has resigned the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. His place will be taken by Count Maltzan, but who will replace him at Vienna is not yet known. The King has given Werther the Order of the Black Eagle and has made the title of baron hereditary in his family; hitherto it had been only a personal title. Arnim of Paris has been made a count.

"The Toulouse disturbance is causing me more anxiety; [36] no other town in France has followed this bad example. The July festival has been celebrated in an orderly manner.

77 The whole of the loan will not be required; the financial deficiencies are being repaired and we shall find that France has recovered her strength and reorganised her military power. My ardent desire is that all this may make for peace."

Such is the prose, or if you prefer it, the poetry of M. Bresson.

Günthersdorf, August 7, 1841.—I have a letter from M. Molé who complains of his health and refers to the disturbance at Toulouse and the general condition of France with as much gloominess as M. Bresson showed satisfaction in the letter which I quoted yesterday.

The Duchesse de Montmorency writes saying that Mgr. Affre prohibited M. Genoude from preaching. The latter then went to learn the reason for this prohibition: the Bishop replied that it was due to his anti-governmental opinions; M. Genoude angrily replied that if the Bishop persisted in maintaining his prohibition, he would print the whole of Mgr. Affre's writings of a few years ago, in opposition to the July monarchy, the original signed documents being in his possession. The Archbishop thereupon relented and M. Genoude will preach. This is an attitude truly worthy of a bishop! The incident naturally induces me to draw comparisons with the past and strengthens my conviction that Mgr. de Quélen was the last real Archbishop of Paris. The present age seems unable to produce any great or noble lives. There is a dead level of hopeless mediocrity.

Günthersdorf, August 16, 1841.—As I write this date I cannot but remember with deep regret an anniversary which will always be dear and sacred to me; this is the day of Saint Hyacinthe, the patron saint of the late Mgr. de Quélan. I am certain that mass is being said for him at the Sacré Cœur. For many years a shrub was taken to him from me on this day. Two years ago, when he was still ill at Conflans, he called my servant into his room, who then brought him an orange tree and asked Madame de Gramont to write a note saying that of all the flowers he had received mine 78 had given him the greatest pleasure. Now I can do no more than pray to him in heaven. I often think that he is united with Him to whom he has so often prayed himself, and that both intercede before God on my behalf, to gain me the blessing of a good death, and especially a Christian life, for rarely does the one come to pass without the other; and if God sometimes shows His mercy at a late hour, we have no reason to be idle or to omit any effort to deserve it. These true and heartfelt words I often repeat to myself, but do not derive a full measure of comfort from them. The worldly spirit, the old enemy, is difficult to eradicate.

At Wartenberg I inspected the Protestant school. Last year I was present at the examination of the Catholic children, and I can say, without prejudice, that the latter school is infinitely superior to the former.

The post brought me a letter from the Court Marshal, giving me an official announcement from their Majesties of their proposal to pass here on the 31st of this month.

Günthersdorf, August 18, 1841.—I have a letter from M. Bresson. He had announced his visit to me long ago, and now asks me to transfer it to the 31st of this month, so that he may stay here on that day to see the King and leave on the 1st. He tells me that when the King learnt of his proposal to come here, he told him at his last audience that he hoped he might meet him at my house; he also tells me that the diplomatic nominations will not be made until the Tory Ministry comes into office, which the Queen of England is unable to avoid.

He adds that M. and Madame Thiers are at Berlin and are arousing keen curiosity; crowds gather as they pass. M. Thiers seems anxious not to give his journey any political meaning and is showing great circumspection. He has asked to see the King. M. Bresson was awaiting at the time when he wrote to me an answer to this request from Sans Souci.

Günthersdorf, August 20, 1841.—Yesterday I took a long drive through my estates on the other side of the Oder. The weather was very fine and this morning is also quite clear. I trust it may be as fine for the King's visit.

79

Günthersdorf, August 21, 1841.—In Germany birthdays are even more important festivals than baptismal days, [37] so since yesterday, compliments and bouquets have been coming in. All the Catholic priests came yesterday to offer their good wishes and have promised to say mass for me this morning. Yesterday evening all the masters of the Catholic schools, of which there are twelve upon my estates, came together, though some of them live twelve leagues away, to sing to me in detachments with the best pupils of their schools; simple and touching verses very well written and thought out, with no instrumental accompaniment; it was very pretty and kind; any mark of affection is always deeply felt by me and I was therefore greatly touched.

Günthersdorf, August 22, 1841.—Yesterday I had a numerous company to dinner and took them to the shooting competition arranged in the pheasant preserves. All the gamekeepers, farmers and servants were there. There was music in the copses, flowers everywhere and a beautiful sunny day. I offered three prizes, a sporting rifle, a hunting knife, and a game bag. The two Prefects in whose department I have property, came in after dinner and took tea. It was so fine that in spite of nightfall, the company did not separate until my bedtime.

Günthersdorf, August 25, 1841.—Yesterday I had a letter from the Princesse de Lieven, the chief news of which is as follows: "It is said that the society of Vienna will receive M. Bresson very coldly. Prince Metternich has hinted as much here. He has no great liking for any of the competitors for this post, and less liking for Bresson than for the others. Apponyi says so without constraint. I think that Lord Cowley will take Lord Granville's place. Lady Palmerston is greatly distressed at losing Downing Street: [38] Lord Palmerston puts a better face upon the matter; his address to the electors of Tiverton marks the end of his career in French opinion. Much ill feeling on the matter remains here and we part with him upon distinctly bad terms."

80 I propose to leave Silesia in a week from to-day and should like to see my dear Touraine again on October 1. The local newspapers contain no news except that the King received M. Thiers, not at Sans Souci, but at Berlin in a private audience which lasted twenty minutes. M. Thiers wore his academician's dress and the orders of Belgium and Spain. Throughout his journey he has been the object of curiosity which was rather keen than kindly, and if he understood German he would have heard more than one caustic remark.

I have made arrangements with my gardener and an architect for the decorations for the day when the King is to stay here. The decorations will consist of numerous garlands, pyramids, festoons and arches of dahlias of every colour which will decorate the King's path from the avenue to the house. There is nothing magnificent or imposing about this place: there is no view, but it is fresh and green; the trees are beautiful and the garden well kept. The house is large but not striking, without architectural beauty and surmounted by a heavy ugly roof, so that only by means of flowers can any daintiness be given to the whole. The hall is to be turned into an orangery and, in short, the whole will appear in holiday though unpretentious dress, which will at any rate show my good intentions.

Günthersdorf, August 30, 1841.—My niece, Hohenthal, arrived here yesterday. She told me that Madame Thiers had been so ill at Dresden that she had been taken from her hotel to the doctor's house. M. Thiers told some one who repeated it to my niece, that his audience with the King of Prussia was short and cold and that the King talked of nothing but Art; his attitude seems to have been well advised. General de Rumigny, on the contrary, is most kindly treated.

Günthersdorf, August 31, 1841.—Yesterday after dinner I set out with my nephew Biron and we went to Grünberg to await their Majesties at the house of the Queen's chief lady, who had gone in advance of her. A prodigious number of triumphal arches, deputations, addresses and cavalcades made their Majesties so late, that they did not reach their resting-place 81 until half-past ten at night, though this hour was very suitable for the illuminations and fireworks at our chief centre. Many of the principal landowners in the district were there. The King and Queen first received me alone and then the rest of the company was admitted. Their Majesties wished to keep me to supper, but as I still have a great deal to arrange here, I asked permission to withdraw and reached home at half-past one in the morning. Fortunately it was a beautiful moonlight night.

I found General de Rumigny at Grünberg. He is following the King to the manœuvres and will arrive here this morning. The weather is magnificent and I should like to kneel down and send up a prayer of thanks to the sun for his kindness.

, September 1, 1841.—Yesterday passed off very well. Their Majesties were in excellent spirits and most kind. The weather was perfect, flowers were abundant and there was a good lunch suitably served; the population in holiday attire came in large numbers and behaved excellently. I drove after the King with my nephew to the first village where horses were changed. This village is on my estate and His Majesty was again greeted with a triumphal arch by my keepers and with country receptions of every kind. The King, who did not know that I was following, as I had not told him, was quite surprised to see me. He got down from his carriage and made me take his place as the Queen wished to embrace me once more. In short they seem to have been quite satisfied, which is a great pleasure to me.

General de Rumigny started immediately after the King, M. Bresson after dinner and the Birons after tea. My niece, Hohenthal, went away last night and so I am here alone.

Günthersdorf, September 2, 1841.—I have decided to start this evening and before I go I am designing a new addition to the garden, which will make it truly magnificent, and I have commissioned the architect to replace the heavy rotten roof with gables and a flat roof.

Berlin, September 3, 1841.—I reached here after covering fifty-four French leagues in seventeen hours. In this country 82 where one cannot arrange for relays, this is excellent travelling.

M. Bresson told me that no one could be more surly or disagreeable than Madame Thiers: she has been ill, or pretended to be ill, and declared that she would die if she stayed any longer in Germany, which seemed to her like Siberia.

Berlin, September 5, 1841.—Yesterday I went to the Werthers who are soon to exchange their diplomatic post for one at Court. Werther himself, like a good courtier, suggested this change at the proper time and has thus spared himself possible mortification and obtained an excellent post. Frau von Werther and Josephine regret the change.

Berlin, September 6, 1841.—I am going to entrust myself to the railway as far as Potsdam. At Potsdam I shall dress and dine with Princess Charles of Prussia at Klein Glienicke at the gates of the town. I shall then resume my journey and spend the night in my carriage in order to reach Leipzig to-morrow morning. There I shall find the Hohenthals who are bringing my niece Fanny Biron, whom I have promised to take with me to France. A winter in Saxony is thought to be too much for her health, which is delicate.

Leipzig, September 6, 1841.—I left my Berlin hotel yesterday morning. I had chocolate with Madame de Perponcher and learnt from her the sad news of the sudden death of my young and charming neighbour, Princess Adelaide Carolath, who was married under the most dramatic circumstances a year ago to her cousin and died in a few hours of an attack of suppressed measles. She was quite an ideal character and I have been deeply affected by this sudden death.

From Berlin to Potsdam I travelled with Baron von Arnim, master of the ceremonies, who was also dining at Glienicke. The Princess drove me round the park in her pony-chaise. After dinner I went for a walk and then said good-bye.

83 Weimar, September 9, 1841.—We parted from the Hohenthals at Leipzig yesterday morning. The two sisters were much depressed at their separation; however, the open air and the pretty country through which we have been travelling enabled Fanny to recover her spirits.

Here I found a letter from the Princess of Prussia who is staying at Kreuznach on the Rhine and asks me to go and see her while I am at Johannisberg. I shall certainly do so, though it will prolong my journey by an additional day.

Frankfort-on-Main, September 11, 1841.—I arrived here this morning in fine weather. My niece proposes to spend a few days with her former governess at Bonn, to see her brother who is in garrison there and is now ill. We shall meet again at Mayence on the 15th. I am starting for Johannisberg to-morrow.

Frankfort, September 12, 1841.—Yesterday at tea-time Count Maltzan came in. He is taking the baths at Kreuznach and came over to see his niece Fanny. He is very pleased with his position as Minister of Foreign Affairs. I doubt if he will suit the King of Prussia in the long run, for he is vehement, irascible and impetuous, and though the King is angelically good he is very quick tempered. However, it is no business of mine. The Count is a kind and pleasant drawing-room talker, and when he has got rid of his habit of gossiping, which he contracted at Vienna, he will be a pleasant person, except for those who have to transact business with him.

Johannisberg, September 13, 1841.—I arrived here yesterday at two o'clock, the weather being extremely hot. I had known this place in past years and few changes have been made. There is an extensive and beautiful view, though I prefer the view from Rochecotte, which is similar, because of the forest which crowns my house, and also because of the vegetation along the Loire and the hillsides opposite me, which make the valley grander and more beautiful. Here the vines cover everything. The house is very large and the rooms spacious but somewhat poorly furnished. I was most 84 kindly received, not only by the master and mistress of the house but by many other acquaintances: my cousin, Paul Medem, who would as soon go back to Stuttgart as Minister as to Vienna to the post of Chargé d'Affaires; Tatitscheff, who is almost entirely blind, and Neumann who is returning to London to-morrow.

I have no news; Prince Metternich says there is none. He is very pleased to hear of the Whig downfall in England and very well disposed to M. Guizot; he is sorry that the Duc de Montebello is not to be sent to him at Vienna. He has very humble letters from M. de Flahaut, and begins to think that a minister who writes confidential platitudes beforehand should be easier to manage than any other. However, nothing is as yet officially known concerning the movements of the French diplomatic body. Apponyi and his family are expected to-day on their way from Paris. They are to stay here before proceeding to Hungary on leave. Let us hope that they will bring some positive news concerning the nomination of the French Ambassador to Vienna.

Johannisberg, September 14, 1841.—I have accomplished my excursion to Kreuznach, which occupied the whole of yesterday: I did not return till half-past eight in the evening and was obliged to cross the Rhine in the darkness, which I did not find particularly pleasant, in spite of the beauty of the scene; the lights of the steamboats from the banks reflected in the river, and the masses of the rocks increased by the darkness of the night made an imposing scene which I only half enjoyed as I was somewhat afraid. At Kreuznach I spent several hours with the Princess of Prussia who was as kind as ever. I was sorry to find her considerably changed, uneasy concerning her health, and tired by taking the waters, from which so far she had experienced no other result. I dined with her, and Count Maltzan was present.

Prince Metternich yesterday received an official intimation that M. de Flahaut had been appointed to the Vienna embassy; he is not greatly pleased at this news. The other changes in the French diplomatic body were not then known.

85 M. de Bourquency is very fashionable here; though the Prince does not know him personally, he was full of praises of his behaviour at London; at the same time he added that a diplomatist, who was also a contributor to the Journal des Debáts, was one of the curiosities of the age.

Johannisberg, September 15, 1841.—Yesterday I did not go out all day though the weather was beautiful. I was very glad to rest; moreover, so much time is spent here in receiving a succession of callers that country life properly so called is impossible.

Mayence, September 16, 1841.—I left Johannisberg yesterday and was much touched by all the kindness of the master and mistress of the house, and very glad that I had been able to pay them a visit. I arrived here in good time, and found Frau von Binzer, Paul Medem and Baron Zedlitz awaiting me. The baron, who is a well-known poet, has now taken the place of Gentz with Prince Metternich on account of some political publication. While I was dining with these people, three cannon shots announced the steamboat by which the Princess of Prussia was travelling up the Rhine on her way to Weimar through Mannheim. The boat stopped here for ten minutes, and as it put in some thirty yards from the hotel I went to spend these ten minutes on board with the Princess; she was not expecting me, and showed the utmost satisfaction at this small attention.

The evening was warm and beautiful and we drove round the town, the outskirts of which are pretty, and went to see the statue of Gutenberg by Thorwaldsen, which is a handsome piece of work. On our return we heard that a courier from the Rothschilds had arrived from Paris, bringing the news of a small rising in Paris during which a pistol shot had been fired at the Duc d'Aumale, who, however, was not hit. [39]

86 Metz, September 18, 1841.—I arrived here yesterday evening in a torrential downpour of rain, which makes travelling extremely unpleasant. At the hotel I found General d'Outremont, who was in command at Tours for a long time. He is at Metz for inspection and asked to see me. He told me that the disturbances at Clermont were even more serious than those at Toulouse, in fact the newspaper that some one has lent me regards them as very serious.

Paris, September 20, 1841.—I have now returned to the great Babylon. The good and excellent Barante was awaiting my arrival. He has spent the evening here and given me the following news: the disturbances in Clermont seem to have been of the most serious character, a real Jacquerie and the most disquieting demonstration that has taken place in France since 1830. [40] Barante who has been absent for three and a half years, was astonished and horrified by the general degradation, especially in political morality, which is obvious here. He wittily said that he had not yet come across a man in Paris who had a good word for another. He proposes to spend six weeks at his house in Auvergne and will then stay here for the winter and not return to St. Petersburg till the spring. Sainte-Aulaire started forty-eight hours ago for his new post in London. His wife will not follow him until February and Madame de Flahaut will not go to Vienna until she has married her daughter, Emilie, for whom no suitor has yet appeared.

Bertin the elder is dead and Bertin de Veaux is suffering from a fresh attack.

Paris, September 21, 1841.—Madame de Lieven routed me out yesterday at a very early hour. She came to ask questions and told me nothing: she can repeat to all Europe what I have told her concerning the corner of the world known to 87 me; I persisted in speaking kindly of every one, which vexed her, and eventually told her that people were thinking and saying everywhere that it was she who made and unmade ambassadors, at which she was considerably embarrassed. Moreover, what I was saying was quite true; it is believed everywhere and I think with reason. She asked me to dinner on Thursday at Beauséjour.

Humboldt also called; I told him my Silesian news. Finally M. de Salvandy arrived, delighted to be ambassador at Madrid and prepared to return for the session of the Chamber of Deputies and to retain his vice-presidency. My son, Valençay, came to dinner with me and told me of the death of old Hottinger, which I am sorry to hear. He was a most honourable man, deeply attached to the late M. de Talleyrand and a friend of Labouchère. Many recollections of the past are disappearing outwardly with terrible rapidity.

There is some small continuous agitation in the distant quarters of Paris; I do not understand the reason for it; it seems to be the normal state of Paris. A return to the great outbursts of 1831 would be to restore our youth but not our strength, at a time when we should grow old in order to grow greater. Fortunately the troops are in excellent spirits everywhere, but are also required everywhere. The authorities are determined and even anxious to make vigorous use of them. This is all very well and it is fortunate for them that they have the power and have no foreign war upon their hands in addition to these internal disorders.

My letters from Auvergne [41] are not satisfactory. Pauline shall certainly spend her winter in the south at Rome, if I do not go to Nice. She is so anxious to see me that I am deciding for Nice, where I shall go in the month of December and return in March. I hope the change will also do my niece Fanny good. For me personally it is a great sacrifice. I should like a long rest and to shut myself up at Rochecotte, but Pauline is really ill and warmly expresses a desire to see 88 me, and her husband joins in supporting her wish with such persistence that I cannot hesitate.

Paris, September 22, 1841.—Yesterday evening I went with my son Valençay to Saint-Cloud, where I was able to see the whole Royal Family together, including even their Belgian Majesties. All are starting for Compiègne. The Queen had news of the Prince de Joinville from Newfoundland. He is proceeding to Halifax.

Paris, September 23, 1841.—Yesterday I saw the Abbé Dupanloup who told me that he had in his possession a series of letters which had passed between M. de Talleyrand and Cardinal Fesch, of the greatest interest, and others which had passed between M. de Talleyrand and the Chapter of Autun at the most difficult and troublesome time: he is the better pleased by these discoveries as they confirm his opinion of M. de Talleyrand and in general do him great credit.

Yesterday I went to dinner at Beauséjour with Madame de Lieven and took Barante who was invited. The other guests were the Duc de Noailles, M. Guizot and Mr. Bulwer. The conversation was animated and varied, while Barante talked much more naturally and agreeably than any one. Of news I heard none.

Paris, September 26, 1841.—Yesterday I went to Champlâtreux with Baron Humboldt. The weather was very unpleasant and spoilt our excursion. I had known Champlâtreux long before: time has in no way destroyed its beauty; on the contrary, for M. Molé has laid it out magnificently. His improvements are excellent but should be continued and especially the little panes of glass should be removed from the windows in the large rooms, as they spoil the general effect. On the whole it is a noble mansion, not a feudal, but a parliamentary building, as befits a descendant of Mathieu Molé, of whom memorials are everywhere to be found and very properly so. Particularly excellent is the portrait of the grandmother, the daughter of Samuel Bernard, in the large room; with her dowry M. Molé's grandfather built the present residence. The park is beautiful and finely laid 89 out, while M. and Madame Molé are most kind and pleasant hosts.

The fortifications are in their most advanced state from Paris to Saint-Denis, but for the moment the state of affairs is simply frightful and looks like chaos.

Yesterday's event, for every day brings an event in this country, was the truly scandalous acquittal of the National; [42] it must be admitted that we cut a very poor figure here.

Paris, October 1, 1841.—Yesterday I saw M. Guizot at my house. I was anxious to say a word to him on behalf of Charles de Talleyrand who, I hope, will soon join M. de Sainte-Aulaire at London. M. Guizot told me that Lord Cowley would certainly be the ambassador at Paris and his appointment is desired here. Sir Robert Peel refused court appointments to Lord Wilton and the Duke of Beaufort, saying that people with more depth of character and less doubtful morality were required about the person of a young Queen. The Duke of Beaufort has refused the embassy of St. Petersburg, and the Marquis of Londonderry the embassy of Vienna. Both wished for Paris and were greatly exasperated by their failure to secure it. They are now forming the nucleus of a small opposition party.

M. Guizot gives the following explanation of the two somewhat unusual nominations of M. de Flahaut as ambassador to Vienna and of M. de Salvandy to Madrid: he says that he thought it advisable to deprive M. Thiers of the one and M. Molé of the other. An admirable explanation and of course entirely in the interests of the country!

Courtalin, October 3, 1841.—I arrived here yesterday evening after dining and sleeping with Madame Mollien. I am now in the midst of the Montmorency family, many of whom are here.

Rochecotte, October 7, 1841.—Once more I am back at my little Palazzo where I arrived in the morning to my great 90 delight and have been most interested to see the arrangements and improvements that have taken place during my absence.

Rochecotte, October 12, 1841.—I have spent the last few days in arranging my new library and putting the books in order. It is a tiring business but has absorbed me greatly. My son and daughter-in-law Dino have arrived and also my niece Fanny and her governess, who spent a few days at Paris after my departure.

Yesterday I had a call from the Lady Superior of the Daughters of the Cross from Chinon. She is the one who received the communion last spring when I went to see her. She asserts that she began to get better from the moment of my visit. She brought me some rosaries and wished to pray in my chapel. She also brought me my lithographed portrait from a room where she found it and persuaded me without much trouble to add an orphan's place to the establishment which she administers. I have thus secured the right of sending an orphan from the village of Saint Patrice of which Rochecotte is a part, to receive a Christian education from these excellent women, and I shall make my choice to-day.

Rochecotte, October 14, 1841.—The changed situation in Spain has occupied all minds at Paris, for war has really broken out again. It is a dreadful business and will end in the massacre of the innocent Isabella. [43] Queen Christina is by no means anxious to leave Paris, where she finds life pleasant. She is terrified by the idea of returning to Spain of which she speaks with disgust and scorn. All who know her regard her as clever, kind and courageous in time of need, but naturally idle, pleasure-loving and devoting herself 91 to amusement as far as she can, as she is obliged to despair of ever playing a part in politics again. She is very fond of her children by Muñoz and she has little affection for her royal daughters.

Rochecotte, October 24, 1841.—Yesterday I had some letters containing news. Madame de Lieven writes: "England is obviously disturbed about the news from America and speculators in every country are greatly alarmed. It is difficult to think that war will not be the consequence of the complication in the case of Grogau [44] added to that of MacLoed. The newspapers are full of Spain; attempts at insurrection are everywhere a failure. Espartero does his duty in punishing the guilty, but it is piteous to see the most cultured and brilliant figures in Spain falling. The death of Diego Leon, the idol of the army and of Madrid, made Queen Christina shed floods of tears. I do not know how she will escape the consequence of Olozaga's publications; she disavows them but no one believes her. Demands are issued that France should send Christina back; the government naturally refuses and will continue to offer hospitality to the niece of the French Queen. I do not think that Salvandy will start immediately for his post in Madrid: Sainte-Aulaire has secured the favour of Aberdeen; Flahaut is starting for Vienna shortly."

The Duchesse d'Albuféra tells me that the Duchesse de Nemours is with child, to the great delight of the Queen and that the household at Compiègne which has been so long disturbed seems to be in perfect harmony.

Rochecotte, October 25, 1841.—Yesterday I had a letter from M. de Salvandy, of which the following is an extract; "It is not impossible that I may receive orders to start within the next twelve days. You will have seen what has happened at Madrid: the insurrection with its sudden outbreak 92 and its sudden ending. We have undergone all kinds of deceptions here and have proclaimed them and published them in our public and private deeds, in our relations with the Spanish Government, with its Minister and with every one. The Minister has demanded that Queen Christina should be sent back and has been justly and vigorously refused, but so vigorously that what the Madrid authorities will say or do no one can conjecture. Hitherto relations have not been entirely broken off; nothing will be known for another ten days. At present we are much disconcerted by our foolish actions and are trying to avoid the consequences as gently as possible. At the first favourable moment my departure will be urged. In this undignified position mine is the only bearable situation, because I have shared none of these delusions; I have contradicted them, as every one knows and Spain is thankful to me. Spain asks that I should start. I have pointed out two or three matters upon which I should like satisfaction; they will be granted and we shall thus be able to put a better face upon the matter, but I am astounded at this method of conducting the business of the world."

M. de Salvandy tells me that he will come here on his way to Spain.

Rochecotte, November 6, 1841.—I hear that the Russian Ambassador at Paris has just received orders from his Sovereign to start for St. Petersburg in a week. Every one is attempting to conjecture the reason.

Rochecotte, November 11, 1841.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes to say that the real reason for the sudden recall of the Russian Ambassador, Count Pahlen, by the Emperor Nicholas in the midst of winter, is to secure that he shall not be the spokesman of the diplomatic body before the King on New Year's Day when congratulations are offered. It is even said that, in order that the Russian Ambassador may be the youngest ambassador at Paris, Pahlen's place will be taken by M. de Bouténieff, but this is only a rumour.

Rochecotte, November 16, 1841.—Yesterday when we were about to sit down to dinner I saw M. de Salvandy arriving. I thought that he was on his way to Madrid. Nothing of 93 the kind. Exhausted by the continual questions concerning his reasons for delay and the time of departure, he resolved to pay a round of visits in the country to avoid inquisitive people: he then came from Pontchartrain and is going on from here to Madame Maillé and to others of his friends. He says that the session of the Chambers at Paris will be stormy and that the ministerial rivalry of MM. Dufaure and Passy will cause difficulty.

Rochecotte, November 18, 1841.—M. de Salvandy went away yesterday after lunch. The evening before he had had dreadful news from Spain where anarchist massacres are proceeding; Espartero seems to be at last anxious for the presence of the French Ambassador and M. de Salvandy assumes that he will soon be crossing the Pyrenees. Before he went away he related a somewhat amusing incident; a few days ago he met the Demidoffs at the house of the Duchesse Decazes; there were only three or four persons in the room and the conversation was almost general. They were speaking of a story which is now going round Paris, to the effect that Mlle. Rachel had sold herself to M. Véron for two hundred thousand francs; whereupon M. Demidoff, in a manner impossible to imitate cried, "See the power of money!" Those present, after an involuntary glance at Madame Demidoff, preserved a solemn silence, which was fortunately interrupted in a moment by another caller.

Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven. She says that the Queen of England was disappointed that she had not been confined of twins; she was hoping that the Prince of Wales would be accompanied by a Duke of York. [45] England has presented a Note requesting an explanation of the concentration of French troops near the Pyrenees, and announcing that she would not permit France to carry war into Spain. She has thus stopped a strongly marked inclination to support the friends of Queen Christina with cannon shot; and this Queen is in great despair that people should wish to use her as a pretext. Speaking of herself, she says that her chance is over and that no one should think of her 94 as a possibility; that she would never return to Spain or she would certainly meet the fate of Marie Antoinette.

Yesterday evening in the drawing-room we read a eulogy upon Madame de Rumford, written by M. Guizot, who had sent it to me. I thought it rather dry and the sentences too long; in short it wants grace, though not thought.

Rochecotte, November 27, 1841.—I have had letters from my son-in-law from Carrara, dated the 17th. To-morrow they were to have reached Florence, but they encountered a storm for eighteen hours in the Gulf of Spezzia: the ship was damaged and they were in some danger. At length they fortunately came into harbour and are now in a pony trap, for it was impossible to disembark their carriage. He gives a dreadful account of their journey. Poor Pauline was exhausted and entirely worn out; she had a presentiment that the crossing would be a bad one, for she wrote to me from Genoa saying that she was very reluctant to take this route.

Rochecotte, November 28, 1841.—I have a letter from Pauline from Lucca which adds some serious details to those related by her husband. They nearly foundered and were themselves obliged to gain the coast in a small boat. My son-in-law was almost drowned; in short, it was a regular disaster. I long to hear that my dear Pauline is resting for a few weeks at Florence. During the terrible time that they spent at sea two ships were lost and all on board perished, off Livorno.

Rochecotte, December 2, 1841.—Yesterday I concluded my round of farewell visits in weather which really gave these attentions some value. After dinner M. de Salvandy came in; this time he was definitely on his way to Madrid and is starting this morning.

Yesterday I had letters from Pauline written at Florence and dated the 22nd. She is living on the kindness of friends, as she has not yet recovered either her trunks or her carriage. She reached the town like a heroine in a novel, with her jewel box under her arm and not a single garment in her possession.

95 Rochecotte, December 3, 1841.—Yesterday morning a huge flash of lightning and a clap of thunder followed by a waterspout bursting over Rochecotte, made us rush hurriedly out of our rooms; there were two inches of water in the dining-room and four in the kitchen. Madame de Podenas arrived shortly afterwards with her son from the house of her mother, the Duchesse des Cars, who has a country house on the other side of Tours. I had known Madame de Podenas very well in times past and am always glad to see her again. I had even intended, as I thought she was in Italy, to make a journey from Nice to Genoa to see her, as she has been settled for the last few years in a villa near that town. The villa which she has bought is called Il Paradiso and was built by Michael Angelo. She is greatly changed but is as cheerful and pleasant as ever. She boldly resumed her journey in the course of the evening. M. de Salvandy started yesterday morning for Madrid; Alava, who was here, went to Tours, Vestier to Chinon, and my son to Valençay, so that Fanny and myself will be alone until we shortly start for Nice.

Rochecotte, December 5, 1841.—Yesterday my time was entirely devoted to preparations for departure. My niece's health does not improve, I am not very well myself, and the weather is frightful.

Yesterday I had a very kind and obliging letter from the Duc d'Orléans; he writes to bid me farewell before my departure, and to offer me his congratulations on the escape of the Castellanes from the dangers of the sea; he had heard of their adventures from the Duchesse d'Albuféra. He seems very uneasy at the general state of public opinion, and by no means satisfied with the policy of the authorities.

Saint-Aignan, December 7, 1841.—I left my pleasant little Rochecotte yesterday morning to resume the monotonous life of high-road travel, which is the more unpleasant in consequence of the dreadful weather. We lunched at Tours with the Prefect, Alava and Vestier. As we passed by Chenonceaux I paid a half-hour's call, which I had been owing for years, upon Madame de Villeneuve. We then 96 continued our journey here in a furious downpour of rain. When the road leaves the department of Indre-et-Loire and enters that of Loir-et-Cher it deteriorates; moreover the rain and the inundations from the Cher have spoilt the road, and we travelled through a kind of lake. I will not conceal the fact that I screamed several times. We were very kindly received by M. de Chalais, his brother and the Baron and Baronne de Montmorency: these are the only inhabitants of the residence apart from the architect who is working at it; a considerable amount of building is in progress, which is solid and even rich as far as construction goes, but unfortunately in a style which does not seem to me sufficiently akin to that of the original building; for instance, there is a heavy Saxon tower by the side of the pointed turrets of Louis XI. The castle is very cold: the hot-water pipes, the double windows, the hangings, the door curtains and the draperies at Rochecotte make any other home impossible to me, and everywhere else I am frozen.

Yesterday at Chenonceaux I saw a very pretty portrait of Queen Louise de Vaudémont and a large coloured window of modern construction which the King had just sent to the Villeneuves. The Duc de Montpensier came over to Chenonceaux from Amboise this summer and to his influence this attention is due. It is enough to show that the young Prince did not enter the bedroom of Madame de Villeneuve as I did, where the portrait of the Duc de Bordeaux, presented by Berryer, is hanging at her bedside, so that the mistress of the house can see it morning and evening.

Valençay, December 8, 1841.—I arrived here yesterday evening. I am going to hear mass with the Sisters at the tomb of our dear M. de Talleyrand. To-morrow morning we are to start again and to dine and sleep with Madame d'Arenberg at Menetou-Salon.

Menetou-Salon, December 10, 1841.—The Prince and Princesse d'Arenberg were so kind as to keep us a day longer, the weather being abominable. Fanny and my son Valençay, who joined us here yesterday, so strongly urged this additional delay, that I have resolved to remain here the whole 97 of to-day. Yesterday it was impossible to go out of the house. We barely had the energy to go round the château which M. d'Arenberg has restored from a state of ruin to a vast and noble mansion. It has the characteristics of the hunting châteaux that I prefer, severe in style, simple and convenient, and placed in the middle of very fine forests. I much prefer Menetou to Arlay, their château in the Franche-Comté. My cousin's three children are well brought up, pleasant and cheerful. The whole of the household is very happy and everything is done upon a large scale.

The arrangements at the end of the house are not yet complete, but with handsome forests, plenty of space and money, all can easily be finished and of these three conditions the d'Arenbergs can avail themselves. The only point at Menetou that I can criticise is the horrible red, white and orange paint with which the outer walls are daubed. M. d'Arenberg says that it is in Flemish style, but I think it is hideous. The kennel is a perfect little jewel. Sporting influences are everywhere predominant and everything is done to the blast of horns and the barking of dogs; the children know the different blasts by heart and can instantly distinguish the blast which means the quarry is sighted from that which proclaims that it has broken cover and the blasts which denote an old or a young boar.

Lyons, December 14, 1841.—The day before yesterday, which was Sunday, we were escorted after mass by my son Valençay and M. d'Arenberg, to Bourges, where I visited the curious house of Cujas and the very interesting one of Jacques Coeur; then we saw the normal school which was formerly the house of Jacques Coeur's brother; after that we saw the old palace of Charles VII. which has now become a convent for the Blue Sisters and went to the cathedral. The funeral oration was being given for M. de Villèle, the last Archbishop of Bourges. Don Carlos, [46] his wife and his children were duly 98 present at this honour paid to the prelate whose charity and whose care had alleviated their sad captivity. Don Carlos is less ugly and insignificant than I thought: his wife was so hidden by her hat that I could not make out her face; the hat and the shawl were those of a woman of poverty, which I was sorry to see. I passed by the sad little house which has been assigned to them and which was surrounded by soldiers on guard and policemen.

In order to change horses at Bourges infinite formalities are necessary, an authorisation from the Prefect and visas, which are invariably troublesome. After surviving these vexations, we had lunch and parted from M. de Valençay and M. d'Arenberg. We hoped to reach Moulins the same day but the weather became so frightful that we took refuge in a horrible little inn where the smoke was blinding. At daybreak yesterday we started off again and reached Lyons to-day at midday. Lyons impressed me as always, and it is the fifth time I have seen it, by its original and picturesque position; but I found it sadly changed, since I was here, fifteen years ago, in consequence of the enormous quantity of steam engines which have come into use, as the coal which they burn has blackened all the buildings. The fog common at this time of year is as black as that of London and from the general colour and the smell I could almost have thought myself in England. Lyons has greatly deteriorated in consequence and even the pretty square of Bellecour seems to me no longer to justify its reputation, since it has been coloured dark grey.

Aix-en-Provence, December 17, 1841.—Fortunately I have no accident to relate and unfortunately no interesting descriptions to give. The sky even of Provence is by no means beautiful at this moment; the ground as usual is dry and bare, the olives are wretched little trees, while we have not yet entered the zone of orange-trees. When I first visited the south my ideas of the country were very illusory and every later visit has confirmed me in the conviction that apart from the view over the Mediterranean when one has reached it and the colour of the sky when it happens not to 99 be clouded as it now is, there is nothing beautiful to be expected from this district. We spent some time in visiting Avignon. I had known it long ago, but Fanny was curious and we had lunch there this morning. We explored the old castle of the popes which is now a barracks and the church of La Miséricorde.

Nice, December 20, 1841.—We have now reached the end of our journey which has lasted a whole fortnight. We left Aix the day before yesterday, after my niece had satisfied her archæological curiosity and started in sunshine which would have been delightful had it not been accompanied by the mistral. At nine o'clock in the evening we reached Brignoles, but were horrified by the dreadful filth of the inn and resolved to continue our journey. When we had fairly entered the mountains of the Esterel, which involve an ascent of four hours and a descent of three, the cold became cruel. At dawn the summits of the mountains showed themselves covered with snow. At the highest point, where the post house is situated, twenty mountaineers of wild appearance, all armed with guns were starting in pursuit of the wild boars and wolves which inhabit this rough district. This band of mountaineer hunters were accompanied by some policemen and customs' house officers and were firing trial shots which made the rocks re-echo; they formed a picture worthy of a painter, but we had no thoughts of the picturesque, so intense did the cold of the night seem. When we reached the valley the temperature suddenly changed; the sun was warm, the sea blue, the olive-trees tall and covered with fruit, the orange-trees laden with their golden balls and the hedges of rose-trees in flower. The town of Cannes overlooked by its old castle, stood out delightfully as a background to the landscape upon the rough mountains which we had just left; the island of St. Margaret floated peacefully upon an azure sea and was an excellent completion to a view which we badly needed to thaw our minds and recover our taste for the south, which we were much inclined to abuse. Before entering Cannes we saw on the right hand the villa Taylor and on the left the villa Brougham; these looked like country houses belonging to 100 retired stockbrokers. Lord Brougham's villa is shut off from the road by a great iron railing, each point of which is surmounted by a large gilded fleur-de-lis.

From Cannes we had only nine leagues to cover to reach Nice and as it was only nine o'clock in the morning, we hoped we might be able to dine here yesterday, but misfortune came upon us. When we reached Antibes, the last station before Nice, at midday, there were no horses to be had and we were emphatically told none would be forthcoming before four o'clock, after which hour there is no driving to Nice because the bridge of the Var is broken down and the passage is impossible after nightfall. We were therefore obliged to remain at Antibes and sleep there; but where to sleep was a question. The inns in this town are indescribable and travellers never stop there; there are muleteer public-houses of the most disgusting appearance. A meal was served to us which revolted us so far that we ate nothing but dry bread, and instead of sleeping in beds which, after the previous night, would have been very pleasant, we returned to our carriages. Shut up in these boxes and bestowed in a stable which was half a barn, we watched for dawn which came very late. Cats were mewing all round us [47] and then a storm burst with as much fury as though we were in the midst of summer; thunder, lightning and rain threatened our miserable shelter. At last, at seven o'clock in the morning we were delivered from our prison and started to Saint Laurent du Var. There we were obliged to leave our carriage and embark in a little boat which brought us after much tossing to the Sardinian customs house, where two carbineers allowed us to warm ourselves at their fire. Our carriage went three-quarters of a league up stream and passed the river by a ford which was almost impracticable and very dangerous. Meanwhile we soaked a little dry bread in the very sour wine of the country and opposed our umbrellas to the gusts of wind and rain. At length we reached Nice at one o'clock, amid driving rain and by a furious sea. The hurricane continues and the waves are 101 loudly roaring and rising so high that they almost reach the summit of the terrace on which stands the house where Fanny and myself occupy the second floor. Our windows look directly on the sea and before us to the right and to the left there is nothing else. On sunny days the reflection will be frightful and in times of rain a vast grey sheet is confused with the sky and forms the saddest possible outlook; the roar of the waves is also most dismal. We have an enormous room and though it has a fireplace, it is very cold. My room is small and might be warm but the chimney smokes; everything is very dirty, as the old houses in Nice generally are. I cannot describe the general impression of sadness and desolation which comes over us. The better side of the situation which consoles us for all the rest is to see Pauline, who is neither better nor worse than when I left her seven months ago, as she is still suffering from her throat; she is thin and looks feverish, but her illness has not been aggravated. She and her family are at one end of the quarter which is known here as La Terrasse, while I am at the other.

Nice, December 22, 1841.—Yesterday I called upon the Grand Duchess Stephanie between lunch and dinner; she is spending the winter here with her daughter. She took me for a drive in her carriage upon the jetty in weather which reminded me of the Chain Pier at Brighton. The Grand Duchess has excellent rooms at some distance from the sea in the midst of a charming garden, with a beautiful view of the mountains; the house is well furnished, cheerful and clean, exactly the contrary to mine and very little more expensive. The Grand Duchess is infinitely better since she took the waters of Wildbad, but her restlessness and the fidgety and flighty nature of her conversation which her disease had checked have reappeared with an emphasis really annoying.

I had no letters from Paris yesterday: a rise in the river has carried away the boats and made the ford impassable, so that was impossible to pass the Var two hours after the time when we crossed it.

102 Nice, December 24, 1841.—Yesterday I met a large number of acquaintances at the house of the Grand Duchess, but few worth mentioning apart from the de Maistre family. She puts on her cards, la comtesse Azelia de Maistre, née de Sieyès. The two names look strange side by side; however, she seems a very pleasant person, while he has the wit of that particular kind which his name implies.

Nice, December 25, 1841.—Yesterday after lunch I took my niece and the Castellanes to Saint Charles, in the most beautiful weather. The sun was almost too warm and the short walk threw one into a perspiration; the sky was magnificent and the view beautiful, and the smell of the roses, the violets and the orange flowers intoxicating. On returning to the town I left a few cards, and went home to rest, for the burning sun and the keen sea air were most fatiguing.

There is a strange custom here. On Christmas Eve and Christmas Day and throughout the intervening night, cannons are fired every half-hour; bands of sailors and country people go about the streets singing and howling and making the most horrible din; for twenty-four hours this uproar has never ceased for a moment and I should think no one has had a wink of sleep.

Nice, December 27, 1841.—I can remember the time when we went to Mannheim to pay our respects to the Grand Duchess Stephanie on Saint Stephen's Day. The same day here is being kept as a festival. At ten o'clock she went to hear mass at the College of the Jesuits: the Father Rector, who is kind and polite, had invited a dozen people who were intimate with the Grand Duchess, and my daughter and myself were included. The choral mass was very well given and we were then allowed to follow the Grand Duchess round the whole of the establishment, an exceptional privilege, and the ladies saw everything, even the cells of the Fathers. In each class one of the pupils made a little speech, simple and suitable to the occasion. We then found coffee, chocolate and sherbet with cakes and sweets in the rector's parlour. There he offered the Grand Duchess a reliquary containing a 103 relic of Saint Etienne. As she professes a great admiration for Silvio Pellico, he added a copy of this writer's poetry, nicely bound with an autograph letter by Pellico. The Father Rector was the support and consoler of Pellico's mother while he was in prison, and afterwards strongly influenced him to lead a Christian life. He is now said to be living in unusual sanctity. This little attention which was most tastefully offered was entirely successful. Before leaving the college we went into the physical laboratory where we were shown some electrical experiments. When we went away all the Fathers and pupils drew up in line and the youngest offered the Grand Duchess a bouquet of the kind only procurable in this country where flowers are abundant and where their colour and perfume are incomparable. The whole morning's visit was admirably arranged; there was no pedantry, nothing was too long, the tactfulness and common sense of the Jesuits were quite obvious. The pupils looked very healthy and were polite and well mannered.

After dinner we went with Fanny and the Castellanes to the Grand Duchess. Princesse Marie had invited some fifty persons to take part in a game of proverbs given in rhyme, which had been specially arranged by several Russian and Italian society people and proved quite successful.

Nice, December 29, 1841.—Yesterday I called upon several people, including the Comtesse Louis de Narbonne, the widow of the friend of M. de Talleyrand and mother of Madame de Rambuteau. She is pleasant and cheerful, but it is obvious that she has lived a great deal in the provinces and very little with her husband. By birth she is Mlle. de Montholon, cousin of the first husband of Madame de Sémonville.

Nice, December 30, 1841.—Yesterday was Pauline's twenty-first birthday and to celebrate the double anniversary of her birth and her majority, she came to lunch with me with her husband and her little girl. She found some small presents and a German cake with as many candles as she had lived 104 years. This little surprise pleased her. In the morning I went with Fanny and her former governess to visit a garden on the hillside protected by wooded slopes from the wind, with a view of the mountains and the sea which is reputed to be extremely pretty. The villa in the centre was closed, but the garden, which contained a large number of rare flowers and is more carefully tended than usual here, was open. We met the owner, a merchant of Nice, at the end of a walk where he was giving instructions to his workmen. He was very polite, loaded us with flowers and promised me some seeds for Rochecotte; his villa is called St. Helena. We returned very pleased with our walk, although the weather was by no means kind.

Nice, December 31, 1841.—The Grand Duchess called yesterday when I was finishing lunch and carried me off to see a country house near Nice which is very well situated and remarkable for the surrounding woods of pine-trees and holm oaks and arbutus. The shade of trees is not often to be found here, as the gardens are usually built in terraces looking southward and leading more or less towards the sea; any variety of style is therefore not to be despised. Moreover yesterday's walk reminded me of one which I had projected in the woods around Rochecotte and pleased me for this reason. The owner is a retired merchant and an old bachelor. He is very polite, and, according to the custom of the country, loaded us with flowers and gave us orangeade to drink. I thought this refreshment cold under the circumstances, for it was by no means hot and driving had certainly made us no warmer. I therefore walked home from the house of the Grand Duchess to restore the circulation; the distance is about that from the Louvre to the Arc de Triomphe in the Champs Elysées.

This is the last day of a year of which I am not sorry to see the end: it can count as two years in my life by reason of its length; however, it has not been entirely unfortunate; the months spent at Rochecotte were quiet and the time while I was in Germany was not without interest and satisfaction.

105 This is also the second anniversary of the death of Mgr. de Quélen. It could not pass unnoticed by me, for he was a great loss to me, and his regular and protecting kindness left one of those gaps which can never be filled, for nothing can take the place of that which has been consecrated by time.

CHAPTER II
1842

106 Nice, January 1, 1842.—Yesterday I made a very beautiful excursion with my son-in-law. We drove to the foot of a crag on which a convent for men is built. The church is pretty, especially by reason of a projecting portico from which there is a beautiful view of the sea including Nice, the Fort of Saint Elmo, and of the chief points of the landscape in a delightful setting. We walked up to the convent which is called Saint Pons: the religious order there established is comparatively new, and is called gli oblati della santissima Virgine; young ordained priests from the time when they are allowed to say Mass, and until they can perform the holy office of confession, or in other words receive the cure of souls, spend a year here in preparation. This institution seems to me to be peculiar to Nice, and in my opinion is a very wise idea.

Nice, January 2, 1842.—Yesterday evening I went with the Castellanes to the official reception given by the Governor of Nice. [48] It is customary here that on New Year's Day every native who has been presented at Court and all foreigners should attend this reception, the men in uniform and the women in full dress. The idea is that in this way one congratulates the King and Queen of Sardinia. The ceremony somewhat resembles a London Drawing-room, or one of the great diplomatic routs at Paris. There were some curious figures, but on the whole the society was unexceptionable and the crowd suffocating. Some games were made 107 up in the last reception-room where it was not so hot, and refreshments went round, while flowers, which are never wanting here, were to be seen everywhere in profusion, and the light was brilliant. The whole scene looked very well. I went round the rooms twice, once on my son-in-law's arm and the second time with the Duke of Devonshire, who pays me much attention. The Grand Duchess was covered with diamonds but not with beauty, for she had no head-dress, which made her look old. The Princesse Marie also looks better when she is not so over-dressed.

Nice, January 3, 1842.—The churches here are most displeasing. It is very difficult to sit down and one is surrounded by dirty and unpleasant people who spit and are verminous. The architecture is also spoilt by wretched rags of gilt and silken material, worn out and torn, which make the most unpleasant effect. The singing of the penitents, who are here organised as brotherhoods, is by no means melodious. Apart from what I saw of the Jesuit college, nothing in the way of religion edifies me here. In the streets you are attacked by the most hideous beggars; all the staircases are crowded with them and are so filthy that one's skirts are only fit to throw away when one gets home.

Nice, January 4, 1842.—It is grey damp weather, and one might think oneself at Brighton; it has lasted now for three days and makes one think one is being swindled. When the weather was bright there was always the possibility of catching some inflammation of the chest, because the bitter wind counteracts the heat of the sun and therefore becomes the more dangerous. When the sun goes down the wind certainly falls, and then we are confronted by the great grey expanse of the sea which looks like a shroud prepared for our burial. We might still be at Paris or London.

I hear from Paris that the condemnation of Dupoty will probably be attacked by an appeal to the Chamber of Deputies upon grounds of illegality. [49] However, the nomination of M. Sauzet to the Presidency by a great majority is 108 a good omen for the Ministry. It is not yet known what will be the consequence of Salvandy's return from Madrid; he declined to hand the letters accrediting him as ambassador to Espartero; the Ambassadors at Paris consider that he was quite right, and quote as a precedent a similar case under Louis XIV.

Nice, January 4, 1842.—I hear from Paris that the second trial before the Chamber of Peers will not be protracted or complicated. The revelations made by the accused, who have been condemned to death though they will not be executed, have made it possible to arrest some sixty individuals, all from the same class; only four or five of them will be brought up for sentence, who are somewhat above the working class and are most deeply compromised. It is said that the most important result of this second trial will be to show the ties existing between the Communists, the party of equality and the reform party, to which M. Arago and others belong, and of which M. Dupoty was the secretary.

The question of etiquette which hindered Salvandy in Spain is largely occupying men's minds. M. Guizot said that he sent precise instructions to Salvandy to return if Espartero persisted in his refusal to allow him to present his letters to the little Queen. His return was expected. It is somewhat derogatory to France that her Ambassador should be allowed to depart because he claims a natural right. When Cellamare and some other ambassador came to Paris, they handed their letters of credit to Louis XV. who was then six years of age and not to the Duc d'Orléans who was acting as Regent. This has been constantly repeated but produces no effect at Madrid.

Nice, January 6, 1842.—Yesterday it snowed for several hours in succession, at Nice, of all places. An icy wind was blowing which froze us though we were sitting close round 109 the stove in which I am burning an enormous quantity of fir-cones and sticks of olive wood which are sold here by the pound, and though my extravagance in this respect is ruinous I cannot get warm.

Nice, January 7, 1842.—Yesterday it snowed nearly all day and the snow remained so long upon the ground that on the terrace which divides my house from the sea, and which is a public walk, all the street boys of Nice gathered and made large snowballs which they hurled with savage and animal yells at every passer by. I watched this strange spectacle from my windows as I did not go out all day.

My huge room reduces me to despair for two reasons; in the first place because it cannot possibly be heated and in the second because it has brought down upon me a demand for an evening reception, issued by the Grand Duchess. I gave in, though with some regret, for it is always more or less of an inconvenience and I am extremely lazy. I have therefore handed over the room to Princesse Marie, to Fanny and to Pauline: I have ordered my son-in-law to make all the necessary arrangements and have declared that I will have nothing to do with it except pay the bills and receive the visitors. It is well for youth to be at work. The Grand Duchess wishes to get up a quadrille and is stirring Nice to its foundations for that purpose. The reception is to take place on Monday next, the 10th. There are a hundred and fifty people on my list: it will be called a tea with dancing; the quadrille will be given by twelve ladies representing the months of the year and four children representing the seasons; these details may not be quite accurate as I am not interfering in the business. The Grand Duchess and Pauline, who is more vigorous now than I have seen her for a long time, together with Comte Eugène de Césole, settle all these matters at the house of the Grand Duchess; I shall only abandon my room upon the morning of the day.

Nice, January 11, 1842.—My reception took place yesterday. It was not exactly a ball but a tea with a little music, after which there were several figure dances, a mazurka and two waltzes. It was all over by one o'clock.

110 When Count Pahlen left Paris, our embassy at St. Petersburg received orders not to appear at Court on St. Nicholas' Day and the ambassadors pleaded illness as an excuse. M. de Kisseleff and all the Russians were then ordered not to appear at the Tuileries on New Year's Day. On this subject Barante writes as follows: "I had been expecting for some time that the strange idea of showing some personal feeling, apart from Cabinet policy, would oblige the Emperor to form a definite resolution. I think, however, that at present he will try to make his action as little resolute as possible. Probably the return of Count Pahlen will be indefinitely delayed."

Apart from this our Ministry has a majority and seems well content.

Nice, January 13, 1842.—I hear from Paris that M. de Salvandy has been ordered to return with all his attachés; his embassy will have been of very short duration. Thus we are on as bad terms with the extreme south of Europe as with the extreme north. Every one is agreed in saying that Espartero's demands were inadmissible and that he was urged to them by England.

Nice, January 16, 1842.—At St. Petersburg invitations have been withdrawn which had been sent to Casimir-Perier [50] for several parties, while the boxes at the theatre to the right and left of his own have been vacated by orders of the authority. What will be the end of all this?

Nice, January 17, 1842.—Yesterday I spent the latter half of the morning with the wife of the governor, the Comtesse de Maistre, who was at home with her family. Her sister-in-law [51] who is unmarried, is a clever person. M. de Maistre is an excellent talker and Madame de Maistre seems a most pleasant woman; I have spent the most enjoyable visits here, as regards conversation, that Nice can offer.

Nice, January 19, 1842.—Yesterday was a charming day and I went for a walk for two hours with my son-in-law, strolling by the sea, watching the poor galley slaves at work in the harbour; observing the effects of the sunlight on the 111 sea and the brilliant reflections upon the mountains, the upper parts of which were covered with snow; watching also the ships with their lateen sails, and from time to time exchanging a few words with acquaintances who were attracted by this charming day to follow our example.

Madame de la Redorte writes from Paris that an unparalleled ovation has been given by the Carlist party to the Russian Chargé d'Affaires, M. de Kisseleff, after the outburst of personal feeling: he was triumphantly received at their club without any suggestion on his part. However, he has been invited to the great hall at the Tuileries and I presume he will appear there. She also says that the intimacy between M. Guizot and Madame de Lieven has become of such a character as to arouse public feeling, and that reference will probably be made to it in the Chamber of Deputies. The newspapers apparently take no notice of the matter.

Nice, January 20, 1842.—I spent yesterday morning in preparing the decorations for a quadrille which has been entrusted to my care. After dinner I dressed the hair of my four ladies; their entrance to the ball with their four gentlemen was most successful; Pauline and Fanny in blue and black, Madame de Césole and an Italian lady in rose and black, all four covered with diamonds and wearing the Spanish mantilla very gracefully. M. de Césole and Frederick Leveson, the son of Lord Granville, were the blue knights, while Lord Aston and a young Russian were the knights in rose colour. It was a pretty ball, excellently lighted, with a large number of tasteful and fashionable costumes, but I thought our quadrille was the prettiest of all. Madame de Césole and Pauline were the queens of the entertainment. Madame de Césole has a very Spanish face, and though worn by the cares of six children in immediate succession, she is still very pretty with the help of a little adornment; she is a very nice and pleasant person. Pauline looks quite beautiful: she is, moreover, very fashionable, much sought after, and takes the lead, more or less, everywhere. She seems to please every one, even the most serious, and her success makes her the more beautiful.

112 Nice, January 21, 1842.—I have a letter from the Duc de Noailles announcing the marriage of his daughter to their cousin Maurice. He then devoted four pages to eulogising the talent of Mlle. Rachel and told me that he is advising her to play Célimène, and that the chief advice he has given is to be deeply in love, as the whole secret of the part consists in that.

Yesterday the weather was very fine and I took advantage of it to ascend with my son-in-law, on foot, an imposing mountain which separates old from new Nice; a winding path has been made by which the ascent is comparatively easy. From the summit the view over the sea at certain times discloses not only the island of Sainte Marguerite, but also Corsica; to right and left the old and new town are spread out as in a panorama, while at the back one sees a circle of hills which shut in Nice from the north; these hills are covered with villas, churches and convents and stand out against a background of fine rocks which are over-topped by snow-covered peaks. The variety and extent of the view make this walk interesting. On the top of the mountain upon a wide expanse are to be found the remains of an old ruined fort.

Nice, January 24, 1842.—Yesterday after dinner I went to the Grand Duchess Stephanie, to hear a new play by Scribe read; it is making some stir in Paris and is called The Chain. It was read to us by M. de Maistre, who is a good reader. The play is in five acts; the dialogue is witty, the plot well developed and the stage management perfect, in short it is distinctly interesting, but to me the triviality of style characteristic of the author was obvious and an excessive complication of incident spoils the rapidity of the action and fatigues the spectator for the moment. On the stage it should go very well.

Barante writes: "Our little quarrel with Russia seems to be composed; pinpricks have been answered by pinpricks. The Emperor is pleased to let the matter drop and perhaps will behave more carefully in future. It is said that Count Pahlen may be back in six weeks. The fears of all the 113 Russians here that they may be recalled from their dear Paris are quite amusing.

"M. de Salvandy is to arrive to-day, after an extraordinary experience as ambassador. The result would have been the same with any one else, but I am assured that his language, his attitude and his despatches have been something unheard-of in the annals of diplomacy. I am sorry, for he is an upright and excellent man of talent and sound judgment." So much for Barante. I have also a letter from Salvandy himself dated January 16 and written from Tours on his way back to Paris: "For six weeks I have lived in the midst of constant annoyance and apprehension, and continual work, with more despatches than any energetic and permanent embassy ever produced, has filled my days and my nights. I have encountered difficulties which I pointed out and in the face of which I received the strongest reassurances, but hateful intrigues rendered them insurmountable. For sixteen days no written message reached me and even ordinary couriers have been stopped. I protracted negotiations as long as possible, and cut them short when I was bound either to flee or to be driven away. Now what is to be done? One point I will guarantee, that France can do what she wishes in Spain; Spain has offered me full satisfaction for the insolence suggested to her authorities. At Bayonne I found an excellent note from Lord Aberdeen, hoping that English influence was not to be found in this matter and pronouncing in favour of the principles supported by France. At Paris I shall learn what will be the result of the business."

Nice, January 26, 1842.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes telling me that M. de Salvandy has returned to Paris and says that a large number of ridiculous observations are attributed to him; for instance, he is said to have written from Tolosa, "The French Embassy is touching the Pyrenees and to-morrow will pass the Bidassoa." At every stage he sent his attachés one after the other, riding headlong to Paris to announce his progress. He has left the young son of M. Decazes at Madrid as Chargé d'Affaires. The 114 unanimous assent of the Cortes to Espartero's demands further complicates the question.

The new Stabat by Rossini is now the rage at Paris; it is said to be superb but by no means religious, and I hear that secular words would suit the composition quite as well. In any case it is enough to show that this fine musical genius is not dead, as might have been feared in view of his long silence. Grisi is said to be admirable in the solos of this Stabat; her head has been turned by the singer Mario; her husband wishes to separate from her but she declines for some reason unknown, while the refusal obliges her at this moment, for some reason unknown to me, to pay her husband eight hundred thousand francs, which by no means pleases the lady. She expressed her grief to Lablache who advised her, with his inimitable Italian accent, to have the separation rather than to pay and said, "But what does it matter to you? Everybody knows that you are a bad lot!" In view of so excellent a quotation, I make no further comment.

Nice, January 28, 1842.—Yesterday I called upon Princesse Marie who is confined to the house by indisposition. She told me of several royal marriages: that of Princess Marie of Prussia, the king's cousin, with the Crown Prince of Bavaria; this is a mixed marriage, but all the children will be brought up as Catholics. One of the young princesses of Bavaria is to marry the Hereditary Archduke of Modena; the Crown Prince of Sardinia will marry one of the daughters of the Archduke, who is Viceroy of Milan; while the Princess of Nassau, the half-sister of the reigning duke, is to marry the Prince of Neuwied. I wish that some husband could be found for poor Marie herself. I think this would be the best remedy for her mother's terrible attacks of nerves.

Madame de Lieven writes as follows: "Salvandy has been wanting in tact, Aston in goodwill, and the Spanish Government in common sense; for all this is obviously against its interests. Attempts have been made to point this out through other powers. Recent events at Madrid regarding 115 the point of etiquette remove all possibility that Espartero's regency will be of long duration. The English Cabinet has espoused the cause of France, but somewhat late, for Salvandy had then gone, while Aston had previously supported the claims of Espartero. However, English opinion has been noted and will have full weight.

"I need say nothing further concerning the so-called indisposition of Périer and Kisseleff, as it has come to an end. My brother tells me that our Ambassador will shortly return here.

"The King of Prussia has actually gone to England. [52] Imagine that when he reached Ostend the English ships had not arrived. In general, people think that the King of Prussia has been more than obliging; certainly no great Sovereign ever did as much. Lord Melbourne will be present at the baptism, the Palmerstons have been invited for another day, and Lady Jersey I should think not at all. She has not seen the Queen since her husband was chief equerry. I do not know why King Leopold is not to be present at the baptism. It is strange."

Nice, February 2, 1842.—This is a day which used always to be kept as a festival in our house; M. de Talleyrand was born on February 2, 1754; he would now be eighty-eight years of age, and has been dead nearly four years. As one advances in life these painful anniversaries which mark progress with bitter memories become more frequent.

Yesterday I paid a visit to France with the Grand Duchess and a fairly numerous company, that is to say, we crossed the Var and went to the castle of Villeneuve which belongs to M. de Panis, a Provençal gentleman of considerable wealth and importance. I had met him before at the house of one of his cousins. He spends his winters at this residence near the Var: he has restored it and if he had not daubed the old walls and the great towers with yellow paint, it would be as remarkable for its architecture as it is for its position and the view.

116 Nice, February 7, 1842.—Yesterday in consequence of a headache I missed one of the chief amusements of Italy, the battle of confetti, which takes place on the Sunday before Ash Wednesday. Everybody was upon the promenade throwing handfuls, and I met people in the evening who had thrown so energetically that they could not raise their arms. This festival is a great delight to all the street boys who yell so loudly that I could hear them in my bed. A little French warship is in the harbour here: the crew disembarked and came on to the promenade and the sailors in holiday attire danced a special dance of their own. It was said to be very pretty. My son-in-law has invited the officers of the brig to be present at an entertainment given at his house this evening.

There is a strange custom in force here during the carnival: in the morning all the streets are full of masks and gaiety reaches the height of insanity, but at nightfall the masks disappear and every member of a confraternity assumes the dress of a penitent; men and women alike with candles in their hands follow processions which emerge at the same moment from every church, to the sound of bells; the priest bearing the holy sacrament under a canopy concludes the procession. Wherever these processions go they produce a strange effect: there are penitents in grey, white, black and red and every one in the streets falls upon their knees; the penitents sing and wave their candles and the general spectacle is rather gloomy than edifying. When these processions are over the masked balls begin. The processions are intended to expiate or counterbalance the excesses of the carnival.

Nice, February 8, 1842 (Shrove Tuesday).—Yesterday morning was spent in preparing Pauline's costumes. The Grand Duchess lent her some diamonds and these with her own and mine looked very well. She was very pretty and gave an excellent reproduction of the difficult part of the Duchesse de Chevreuse in A Duel under Richelieu, which is a high-flown melodrama: this was followed by a duo-bouffe sung by two Italians and then came a little piece, The Heirs, in which my son-in-law took the part of Alain most 117 creditably. The whole company acted very well, the room was pretty and all the accessories perfect. The actors came to supper at my house and the Grand Duchess surprised me by appearing. She insisted that my health should be drunk, as the entertainment was given for my birthday which was on the 6th of February but was put off to avoid falling upon a Sunday. The party did not break up until two o'clock in the morning; it was somewhat tiring but they all showed such kindness to me that I could not but be duly grateful and have an agreeable recollection of it.

Nice, February 9, 1842 (Ash Wednesday).—Yesterday I was able to take part in all the carnival absurdities in progress. First there was lunch with dancing at the house of a great Russian lady, which is situated in one of the finest gardens in Nice. We then went to Corso where the battle of confetti had already begun. I was with the Grand Duchess, Princesse Marie and Fanny: after driving round we halted upon a reserved terrace from which we were able to throw our handfuls upon the passers by; they replied from below and the most fashionable threw little bunches of violets or roses instead of confetti or sweets. Sweets are thrown with a kind of spoon with which they can be sent a long way; the women wear masks of iron wire, for if these sweets are thrown vigorously they can hurt when they strike the bare flesh. What is remarkable but real, is the kind of fury which comes over the coolest, and people lose their heads sooner or later. Pauline was more excited than any one in the Corso. I was told that the late Emperor of Austria, Francis II., who was certainly anything but a lively character, happened to be at Rome in carnival time and took part in the contest like a madman. Members of fashionable society show the greatest vigour; the common people only think of picking up the sweets. The military band was playing at the end of the promenade, the weather was superb and we stayed out of doors until nightfall without feeling cold. At half-past eight there was a ball given by some other foreigners, which was by far the prettiest, the best arranged and the most cheerful of all that have been given here.

118 The Grand Duchess has told me a piece of news which vexes her: Princess Alexandrina of Baden is to marry the Hereditary Prince of Coburg; it is hard for her to see possible husbands passing her daughter by, seeing that Princesse Marie is far pleasanter, more distinguished and richer than her cousin. The Grand Duchess is anxious to know what will become of her daughter after her, especially in view of the death of the Queen Dowager of Bavaria. She is also uneasy concerning the Wasa family, whose affairs are terribly involved.

Nice, February 10, 1842.—The weather yesterday was incomparable and the month of May is not more beautiful at Paris, so after hearing the office of the Ashes and lunching, we took advantage of the weather. The Castellanes in their little carriage drawn by two Corsican ponies, Fanny, Count Schulenburg, my brother-in-law, who had come from Milan to pay me a short visit, and myself, went to Villefranche, a picturesque little seaport; the road thither was not very easy, but the view was admirable. A Sardinian warship was leaving the harbour and from the top of the fort which serves as a state prison, we saw her setting sail and making the necessary manœuvres to catch the breeze before she left the harbour and entered the open sea. The slow and measured movements of the fine ship gliding over a sea of marble and diamonds, with the white sails shining in the southern sun, formed one of the most beautiful sights conceivable and one which strikes the mind even more than the eyes.

Nice, February 17, 1842.—Yesterday I received the following letter from poor Salvandy; "Since my return I have been overcome with a constant sense of deep depression, disgust and weariness; an attack of gout has come rather as a help than as an additional burden, as it has excused me from going out or seeing people; only for the last few days have I been in communication with the salons. I should need volumes to tell you all that has astonished or saddened me upon my return. My action has received entire approval, except as concerns my long delay before leaving Madrid; 119 whereas society accuses me of acting with undue precipitation. In the comparatively narrow circle where I thought I had my friends, I have encountered most unwelcome malevolence. I find that my period of delay by which I hoped to facilitate the adoption of a policy, if any were possible, has been used to poison public feeling against me; society ladies can repeat numberless quotations from my despatches, naturally imaginary or distorted; ladies, moreover, whom I thought would be most likely to take my part, as they are those who are in closest touch with the chief officials of the department. However, as I have been obliged to send all my despatches to the great Courts, marks of flattering approval have been returned. Saint-Aulaire writes to say that they are imperishable memorials of public right, and Bresson sends me a similar message from the Prussian Court.

"The Ministerial position here seems to me very precarious. You will see the amount of our majority yesterday; only eight votes upon the question of incompatibility. I am inclined to think that we may do better upon the electoral question, but MM. de Lamartine, Passy, Dupin and Dufaure will speak against the Ministry; supposing that we are successful in spite of this effort, a shock remains which we shall probably not survive. What will happen then? A Cabinet without Thiers or Guizot is difficult to form and even more difficult to maintain in office, and if the one was not possible the other will not be yet; but I am entirely outside this movement. On the day of my arrival when I had an attack of gout, I hastened to pay my respects to the King, the Prince Royal, Queen Christina and M. Guizot, being convinced that I should not be able to do so the next day, and in fact I have been confined for several days to my armchair."

Madame de Lieven writes to-day as follows: "The King of Prussia has won golden opinions at London; he pleased the Court, the town, the clergy, the journalists and the people. Even that which we from a distance are inclined to think too sentimental has been successful in England; I mean his acts of worship with 120 Mrs. Fry, [53] &c. He is said to be seriously meditating a union of the Anglican and Lutheran churches, and it is thought that something will come of his journey to England from this point of view. I do not think that the idea will please his subjects and at Paris it is received with much opposition.

"The entertainment given to the King by the Duke of Sutherland was fairy-like; he is said to have been greatly struck by it. Some sign of boredom with Court life on his part is thought to have been perceived. The Queen's evening receptions do not amuse him nor is he interested by her conversation, or by her handsome husband playing chess like an automaton.

"Sainte-Aulaire pleases the English as much as ever and his wife will soon start to rejoin him. Barante is awaiting the return of Pahlen. Some people think that he will not return, but we shall see.

"The carnival was magnificent and the ball given by the Duc d'Orléans more magnificent than any ball under the Empire or the Restoration. People are now occupied with domestic matters; the Ministry combats all reforms and the reformers are fairly strong.

"Lehon will not return here as ambassador. The Cowleys open their house next week."

It is true that the King of Prussia's journey to London caused much displeasure at Berlin. It was thought that a great Sovereign was going to too much trouble and expense and showing too much courtesy to a Queen so distantly related. National pride and avarice were wounded. The presents brought by the King were magnificent and his fortnight's tour during which he was the Queen's guest in England, is said to have cost him a million crowns, which is an enormous sum for poverty-stricken Prussia. Moreover the religious reunion to which Madame de Lieven refers is exactly what Prussia does not want; the late King, who was 121 greatly honoured, nearly brought confusion upon his country by interfering too constantly with religious practices and dogma, and the seeds of ill-temper still remain in the country to the inconvenience of the Government. If these should be restored to life, men's minds and, what is worse, their consciences will be in a ferment and an additional cause of discord will be introduced into a country where religious feeling is already very sensitive.

Nice, February 21, 1842.—Yesterday I went to the convent of Saint Barthélemy. It is customary here to go every Sunday during Lent to hear vespers in one of the many convents by which Nice is surrounded. The whole population goes out, eats and drinks in front of the churches, where toys and flowers are sold. Music and dancing are forbidden during Lent, and popular pleasures are therefore reduced to eating. The crowds of people, the carriages, the donkeys, and the riding horses of strangers make the scene animated and pretty.

Nice, February 23, 1842.—I have just heard of the death of poor Pozzo di Borgo. It was best for him and for his family that his life should end, as he merely vegetated. He leaves an income of four hundred thousand francs; half to his nephew Charles, the husband of Mlle. de Crillon, with his residence in Paris and his villa at Saint Cloud, and the remainder to his relatives in Corsica.

Nice, February 25, 1842.—Yesterday there was a heartrending scene in front of my windows; a terrible storm arose which has not even to-day sunk to rest; the unfortunate ships were struggling with the fury of the waves the whole day, and we sat for a long time watching their fate. Fortunately none were lost.

In spite of the terrible weather I went out to take my offering to a collection which was being made for the Sisters of Saint Vincent de Paul, at the hospice which they conduct. There I saw Mlle. de Maistre, the eldest daughter of the Governor, who is twenty-one years of age and is spending her novitiate as a Sister of Charity in the hospice. She has a definite call to the work, and seems happy; she is said to be 122 clever and well educated, as all the family are; she has a pleasant face, intelligent and calm.

M. Pasquier, I am told, is being complimented on his nomination to the French Academy. M. Molé will introduce M. de Tocqueville, and M. de Barante will do the same for M. Ballanche; I do not know who will introduce M. Pasquier. M. de Tocqueville is taking the place of M. de Cessac, formerly director of the Ministry of War under the Empire, and not a promising subject for a eulogy; indeed, it will be difficult for any one to treat it, and especially so for M. de Tocqueville, who does not belong to that time either in point of age or mental habits. He mentioned his difficulty to M. Thiers, who told him that he might perhaps be able to help him and would give him some interesting information, as he possesses letters from the Emperor to M. de Cessac which he would send him. M. de Tocqueville, in fact, received the next day, in an envelope, a letter from Napoleon to M. de Cessac, which began as follows: "My dear Cessac, you are a fool." M. de Tocqueville himself related this amusing incident to his cousin, the Marquis d'Espeuil, who is here. M. d'Espeuil married Mlle. de Chateaubriand, a near relation of M. de Tocqueville.

Nice, February 27, 1842.—I have a letter from M. de Barante who seems less certain concerning the return of Count Pahlen to Paris; probably the return will be indefinitely delayed until some incident settles the matter one way or the other. Meanwhile Périer is at St. Petersburg and his official position is quite correct, but society continues to regard him as an outcast, wishing to show that its sense of patriotism and self-respect has been wounded.

Barante gives me better news of the domestic situation. The majority of forty-one seems to be really important, as the opposition, which combined every shade of opinion, had set all their hopes upon this discussion. The Minister himself hardly expected so large a majority. The speeches of M. Dufaure and M. de Lamartine were received by the Centres with the strongest censure; every word which seemed to 123 conform to the doctrines of the Left aroused opposition; in short, there is a certain reaction in favour of order and conservatism. We have now to see if it will have any influence upon the elections. If this hope were realised, France would be in a better position than for the last ten years. Such at least is the idea of Barante, though he is rather optimistic.

He also tells me that M. de Chateaubriand, whom he met at Madame Récamier's house at the Abbaye-au-Bois, has grown surly, taciturn and displeased with everybody and everything. Madame Récamier has a difficult task, as her business is to soothe the touchiness of wounded pride and to provide a series of the successes for which alone M. de Chateaubriand cares to live. I could never feel the smallest sympathy for this barren and vain character.

Nice, March 3, 1842.—This evening we are to celebrate Mid-Lent by an entertainment from which I would gladly be excused, not that I anticipate any bad results, but because I think pleasure of this kind, if it is not to result in a fiasco, demands more time and trouble than it is worth. Moreover the Castellanes have given me the task of sending out the invitations, and my fingers are worn out with writing addresses: further, I myself and none other have to make the four costumes of Pauline and those of Charles de Talleyrand: then they want me to coach them in their parts; I am to receive the company; I have also to play in a wretched little scene in the second piece, which is trifling, but I have to learn my part and repeat it, and finally I have to provide supper for the actors. This is too much. However, I have spent my life in being tyrannised over by somebody, and to give way is, I think, a part that I have least forgotten in my past life, and I have sometimes obeyed more reluctantly than now.

Nice, March 4, 1842.—I feel somewhat stupid this morning: yesterday's performance was too long, and the supper which followed it prolonged the evening still further. I think people were amused. The prettiest part of the entertainment was the prologue composed by my son-in-law. It 124 was a clever criticism of the previous performance, in which a handsome young boy satirised the different actors and suggested a young débutante to take the place of the prima donna, who was supposed to be suddenly indisposed: then two boys dressed as lacqueys of the last century brought in a little sedan chair, gilded and surmounted by a crown of lighted candles; from this chair came out my little girl, Marie, in full dress of the time of Louis XV., powdered wig, long dress and many diamonds. Nothing could have been prettier, more dignified, more stately and gracious. On leaving her chair she went round the stage exactly like a great lady. The prologue was charming and was greatly appreciated; I foolishly began to weep with emotion on seeing the gracefulness of this dear child. The melodrama was very well played: the Malade Imaginaire was not sufficiently well known or taken sufficiently briskly; moreover it made the entertainment much too long. The costumes of the melodrama were magnificent, and in the Malade Imaginaire were precisely those of Molière's age. To conclude, the three couplets at the end, composed by the Grand Duchess, were charming and in the best of taste.

Nice, March 14, 1842.—Prince Wasa arrived here yesterday from Florence, where he has left his wife, to pay a few days' visit to his mother-in-law, the Grand Duchess Stephanie. I think she would have been glad to avoid this attention. She took him about everywhere as soon as he arrived, and we met them on the French schooner, commanded by M. de Clérambault. A party of us, including the Castellanes, Fanny, Charles de Talleyrand and myself, paid a visit to this vessel and to the yacht of Lord Ranelagh, which is also at anchor in the harbour at Nice. M. de Clérambault was a comrade of my son, M. de Dino, when he was serving in the Navy. I was much impressed to see in his cabin, round his mother's portrait, a rosary and a little crucifix which had been given him by the Pope on the condition that he would hang them up in his cabin, which he scrupulously does. This young officer greatly distinguished himself at the 125 capture of Saint Juan d'Ulloa [54] and was decorated in consequence at the age of twenty-eight. What a pity my son did not follow the same career.

Nice, March 15, 1842.—Yesterday morning was devoted to the open air. The Grand Duchess had arranged a picnic of twenty people, including ourselves. We drove, each from our own starting-places, to an inn situated at the top of a mountain which rises between the bay of Nice and that of Villefranche; then returning by another mountain we went to Beaulieu, where we lunched under great olive-trees. After this we mounted donkeys and followed a rather narrow path round the bay of Saint-Soupir and reached Saint-Hospice, where Lord Ranelagh's yacht was lying. The weather was so fine, the sea so calm and the distance so short that even I was persuaded to venture. However, far from being contrary, the wind was so light that we hardly moved, and spent an hour and a half in returning to Nice, a journey usually made in half an hour.

Nice, March 18, 1842.—Madame de Lieven writes that Sainte-Aulaire is giving great satisfaction, both at London and at Paris, but there is and will be, none the less, a certain amount of friction between the two Cabinets. The King of Prussia will go to St. Petersburg at the end of June.

M. Bresson writes that Count Maltzan is not likely to take the portfolio of Foreign Affairs, and it is not yet known whether the King will decide to replace him with Kanitz or Bülow. The two men represent divergent views. Kanitz is a pietist and legitimist, while Bülow is neither one nor the other.

Nice, March 21, 1842.—For some days I have been feeling distinctly ill, and the day before yesterday my feverishness became so pronounced that I was obliged to go to bed, and was soon afterwards covered with an eruption all over my 126 body. It is an epidemic which has been prevalent here for the last fortnight, and is called in Italian rosalia; it is a medium between scarlatina and measles, and is less malignant than either of these diseases, though at the same time it makes the patient feel very ill.

Nice, March 24, 1842.—People here are very kind, and every one shows more interest in me than I deserve on account of my illness. The Grand Duchess came to see me as soon as her daughter was attacked by the same disease, and her fears of carrying infection were removed. The Comtesse Adèle de Maistre, a sister of the Governor—a kind, clever, and benevolent saint, who has taken a fancy to me—nurses me as if I was her sister, for which I am deeply grateful. The good prior of the Récollets de Cimier heard from his mendicant brother, who brings me flowers in exchange for what I put in his wallet, that I was ill, and came to see me; I was very glad to see him. The doctor assures me that my convalescence is in sight, and that in a few days he will allow me to go into the open air. In this climate eruptive sicknesses are not as serious as they are elsewhere.

Nice, March 27, 1842.—Society here is about to disperse. However, some foreign families remain at Nice even during the summer; the climate and the cheapness of living induces many people to stay, if not permanently, at any rate for several years in succession.

This morning I was suddenly aroused by cannon-shots, announcing Easter Day. These, with the rattles of the street boys and the guns of the garrisons, made an appalling uproar. Yesterday all the houses, and every room in every house, were blessed by one of the parish priests, who sprinkles all the dwellings with water, and is followed by a choir-boy.

A letter from Germany, which I have just received, gives me some news of considerable importance to my personal interests. My nephew has definitely refused to agree to the arrangement proposed by his mother, and my sister has sold me the whole of the allodial part of Sagan, or the part which she claimed to be subject to this condition. This will 127 considerably complicate my business, and will absolutely force me to travel to Prussia next year.

Nice, March 29, 1842.—Yesterday I went for a drive, and left cards upon all who had inquired for me during my illness. I feel that the open air did me much good.

M. de Barante writes to say that M. de Rémusat is giving readings from a work called Abélard; [55] he speaks of it as a singular production in dramatic form, the reading of which will occupy three sessions of three hours each—a very long period.

Nice, March 30, 1842.—I hope soon to leave this town, and I shall write more freely as soon as I am on French territory; for in the Sardinian states before a letter arrives or leaves its starting-place, it has generally been opened several times. The traces are obvious, and this knowledge has often paralysed my pen.

Nice, April 1, 1842.—Yesterday evening I went to a great ball given by the Duke of Devonshire, as a conclusion to the season at Nice. Like everything that he does, it was magnificent; the lighting of the hall was especially novel and beautiful; there were no chandeliers, but three great arches formed of palm branches and surmounted with a row of candles; each of these arches was placed upon the pillars at each side of the hall, a most novel and tasteful device. I there said good-bye to all the company present. I leave Nice fairly well satisfied with my stay. There have been some drawbacks, but the good side outweighs the bad, and my general recollections will be pleasant.

Aix-en-Provence, April 3, 1842.—I left Nice yesterday and was very sorry to part from the Castellane trio. They are no less sorry at my departure. The weather was superb, the sea a deep blue, the flowers abundant and the road admirable as far as Cannes. The hills of the Esterel were still somewhat rough. I came on here without stopping, hoping to find the Abbé Dupanloup and to have a talk with him. I only missed him by an hour. He has been forced to go 128 forward without stopping, owing to the regulations of the postal service; he left me a little note expressing his regret. I am now starting for Nîmes and shall go by way of Arles, a road which I do not know. Nîmes I visited during my first journey to the south, in 1817, a terribly long time ago.

Nîmes, April 5, 1842.—I arrived here yesterday evening. It was raining when we passed by Arles and I was unable to visit the points of interest. I was especially struck by the new and magnificent road, full of works of art, which crosses the most frightful country in the world and leads here from Aix. First of all it crosses a district called the Crau, which is horribly sterile and is composed of nothing but pebbles. Water has been drawn from the Durance to irrigate this accursed land by an infinity of little canals. It can only be hoped that these measures may evoke a little vegetation. From Arles onwards the country is less ugly, though the Camargue is not beautiful, and apart from some wild oxen I saw nothing curious. The girls of Arles have a great reputation for their beauty and their pretty costumes. Here I was unfortunate, for I saw nothing but very ugly faces and very dirty and slovenly dresses.

My travelling companions, Fanny, her governess and Charles de Talleyrand are starting to see the Pont du Gard which I saw a long time ago. On their return we shall visit the curiosities of the town and go on together to Montpellier.

Montpellier, April 6, 1842.—Yesterday we visited the antiquities of Nîmes, which I was glad to see again. They are well preserved, and I can remember that some years ago they made me understand the charm of real proportion. Unfortunately the weather is wretched and it is very vexing to encounter rain in a country which constantly suffers from drought.

Toulouse, April 8, 1842.—We left Montpellier the day before yesterday at the end of the morning. I gave lunch to the Rector of the Academy [56] and to his eldest daughter who is my goddaughter, for her mother, who died of the 129 cholera, had been brought up with me, and I have always kept up my connection with this very estimable family. Then we went to see the Fabre [57] museum which is poor, and the better chosen and better arranged museum of the Marquis of Montcalm. Finally, under umbrellas, we went round the famous promenade of Peyrou. In good weather, which we did not enjoy yesterday, the sea, the Pyrenees, the Cévennes and the Alps, can be seen from a certain point. All that we could see was the castle, the aqueducts and the equestrian statue of Louis XIV.

Bordeaux, April 10, 1842.—We came on here from Toulouse without stopping. The weather was better but a bitter wind succeeded the rain, and I am now taking care of myself by the fire while the others explore the town. I have repeatedly visited the south of France and can now afford to take my travelling duties easily. To-day we shall start again, and the day after to-morrow, if God wills, we shall sleep at Rochecotte. I am longing to be at rest in my own dear home.

Letters from Berlin say that Bülow is really to succeed Maltzan. He owes his triumph to the fact that he is the opposite of Kanitz. Maltzan is in a sanatorium at Charlottenberg.

Madame de Lieven has fallen a victim to influenza: M. Guizot does not leave her bedside; both are absolute devotees to music. M. Guizot will talk of nothing else and professes inability to sleep after visiting the opera. He is the subject of much ridicule in consequence.

The military manœuvres this summer will extend from Alsace to Champagne. Such towns as Châlons, Vitry, &c., will be attacked. The Duc d'Orléans will lead the forces.

Rochecotte, April 13, 1842.—At last I am at home again! At Bordeaux while we were at lunch I had an unexpected 130 call from the Abbé Genoude. I have often met him on different occasions, but never in my own house. He was staying in the same hotel, had just been preaching, and so paid me this unexpected attention. He is a clever and even an agreeable man, and is anxious to be gracious and insinuating. I was extremely polite, as he is not a good subject for rebuffs, but I went no further. As he went out he drew Charles de Talleyrand aside; he often used to see his mother in times past, and told him that his newspaper was entirely at my orders [58] if at any time I wished to insert anything. This is very strange and very characteristic of the age.

Rochecotte, April 16, 1842.—I have a letter from Toulouse from the Castellanes. They are waiting until the sea will allow them to cross to Corsica; however, if the weather does not moderate in two days they intend to go to Perpignan by land. I hope I shall find that they have executed this latter idea.

Rochecotte, April 17, 1842.—The Castellanes have decided for Corsica [59].

Sainte-Aulaire writes to me from London as follows: "I have not left my most troublesome task to the end of my labours: the failure to ratify the treaty, the controversy concerning Algiers, and more than all the Anglophobia which our press maintains and proclaims, has made my political position somewhat difficult. Beneath all this friction, however, there is a desire and a necessity upon either side to avoid a breach. Upon this I am attempting to work and it will eventually have its effect. I am very kindly treated by society. The Court is cold but polite."

M. de Salvandy writes from Paris; "Politics are pervaded 131 by a cold and morose spirit. M. Guizot's influence is now predominant. Questions concerning the right of visitation are causing him much trouble and perplexity. The King is very busy with the Spanish question and that of marriage; the mission of M. Pageot is bearing fruit; the vetos which I have advised and secured have obviated resolutions which would have been disgraceful and dangerous. Only a Bourbon will reign over Spain. Meanwhile M. Molé is turning to literature: on Thursday he will introduce M. de Tocqueville to the French Academy; if fortune favours him, this will be an event, for he is gaining ground and strengthening his position by absence and retirement. Of the three rivals, Thiers loses ground whether he is in action or repose: M. Guizot is likely to lose by action what he gains by speech; M. Molé is strengthening his position by inaction and silence after improving it in the struggle."

Rochecotte, April 21, 1842.—There is to be an entertainment to-day at the Tuileries. Polyeucte and Richard Cœur de Lion will be played.

The Queen is to take a seat in the Academy this morning for the reception of M. de Tocqueville by M. Molé; these formalities are becoming quite fashionable.

Public opinion in Paris is rising against England and shows some exasperation concerning the right of visitation. We are assured that the electors will require from the deputies undertakings in their manifestoes not to yield upon this point. Madame de Lieven, who is generally optimistic, is said to be much depressed and to be repeating that things are going wrong. At London the one topic is a fancy dress ball for May 12 which has thrown the ladies into great excitement; they are sending to Paris for pictures and models.

Pauline writes to me from Ajaccio that she is very pleased with her expedition and she has already forgotten the thirty-six hours' seasickness and is on her way to Sardinia with her husband. This news arouses considerable misgivings in my mind, but her energy shows that she is strong again and at any rate it keeps her away from the cold of Auvergne; 132 moreover, if she is interested and happy what more can be wished?

Rochecotte, April 22, 1842.—Barante writes on the evening before the session of the Academy, to which I have referred: "The session will be very fine: both speeches are quite remarkable; it will be a grave but courteous tournament on the questions of the Revolution, the Empire and the Democracy. M. Royer-Collard is delighted by the prospect; public opinion is quite eager and the Academy pleased to find itself so fashionable. I fear that when I introduce M. Ballanche next week I shall not come off so well, for the work of the subject of my speech obliges me to give a philosophical address which is perhaps a little too solemn both for the occasion and the audience.

"Politics are entirely preoccupied by questions of railway construction, and how the deputies will disentangle these matters I do not know."

Rochecotte, April 24, 1842.—My letters from Paris and the newspapers are full of the speeches of M. Molé and of M. de Tocqueville: they agree in saying that the former was quite successful and the latter extremely wearisome; what I have read myself in the Journal des Débats leaves me with the same impression.

The newspapers report the death of Marshals Moncey and Clausel.

Rochecotte, April 25, 1842.—So far as I can hear the methods of amusement adopted by young ladies of the present day are quite unparalleled; the clique known as the lionnes devise forms of entertainment worthy of the Regency. On this question I remember the answer of M. de Talleyrand to a young lady who replied somewhat rudely that during his youth people were just as bad; "that may be," said M. de Talleyrand, "but not in the same way."

Madame Mollien sends me an account of the entertainment at the Tuileries. She says that the room when every one had taken their places was a fine sight, but that order was preceded by a period of utter chaos. The authorities had resolved that everybody should make their way to the 133 drawing-room and follow the Royal Family. The result was that the last princess was followed by a general rush of all the ladies, without any respect for rank or position: the crowd grew denser as it advanced, and the rush degenerated into a battle; Madame de Toreno lost her mantilla, and this part of the proceedings was perfection of its kind. The dramatic performance was dull: although the King set the example by applauding, he was not imitated; a want of harmony between the audience and the stage was obvious. M. Thiers went sound asleep.

Paris is raised to universal enthusiasm by a portrait of the Duc d'Orléans which Ingres had just painted and which is said to be admirable.

Rochecotte, April 17, 1842.—The castle of Coblentz is being rebuilt as a royal residence: eight hundred workmen are now occupied in making it habitable for next autumn, as the King of Prussia proposes to spend September and October there.

The following is a copy of M. Royer-Collard's opinion of the session of the Academy: "M. Molé carried off the honours and overshadowed M. de Tocqueville, in my opinion, unjustly. I had read the speeches and was keenly interested by M. de Tocqueville's, although I could foresee that it would not rouse the sympathies of the audience. Elevation of thought, some admirable passages and fine ideas, did not counterbalance the accuracy of the criticism. I then learnt that the Emperor and the Empire have a greater influence over men's minds than I was aware. M. Molé had realised the fact more clearly than myself and had turned it to excellent account: to considerable talent and an infinite power of dissimulation he adds a sprightliness of delivery which will never be surpassed. The laudation of the Empire and the blackening of the democracy were the vengeance which he took upon the superior speech of M. de Tocqueville." M. Royer-Collard has announced that he will no longer come forward as a candidate for election; probably one of his nephews will take his place in the next Chamber.

134 Here is an extract from Madame de Lieven's letter; as always, I give it word for word: "There is very little prospect of seeing Pahlen back at Paris. People think that Gourieff will possibly be sent: he is a clever man and immensely rich; his wife is still pretty and inclined to flirtation, so these qualities will suit Paris very well. You will be sorry to hear of the misfortune which overtook M. Humann this morning; he has just had an apoplectic stroke and there is no hope of his recovery. You used to see him often at Baden as I sometimes did, and both of us liked him. He was a figure of some importance, and it will be difficult to find any one to take his place. Queen Victoria is wholly occupied with her fancy dress ball: she will appear as Queen Philippa and insists that her Court should wear costumes of that age; Lord Jersey is obliged to agree, much to his consternation. His married daughter has arrived at Vienna [60] and Prince Paul Esterhazy wishes to go to London in order to prevent Lady Jersey from following her daughter. It is even said that he wishes to retain his post, but Metternich asserts that the ambassador does not reside at Vienna. Paul Medem is in high favour with the Metternich household. Arnim is going away on leave and Bernstorff will take his place meanwhile. I am astonished that Bülow should have sent him here; I have an idea that Bülow will endeavour to be a very interfering Minister. Queen Isabella's marriage occupies the attention of every Cabinet, including that of Vienna, but no one knows what the end of the affair will be."

I am sorry to hear of M. Humann's death: he was kind and obliging, and was a man of original and distinguished talent; only a week ago he spoke very kindly of me to the Duchesse d'Albuféra, and a kind character will always be regretted. The Journal des Débats also reports the death of Bertin de Veaux. I feel it to be sad news, though he had fallen out of our society for some time. He had a remarkable mind and was very good-hearted; he remained most 135 affectionate to myself and to the memory of M. de Talleyrand. For twenty years he had enjoyed our intimacy, shared our family habits and our confidence; and thus the ranks are thinned and one's loneliness grows apace.

Rochecotte, April 28, 1842.—The Cabinet has wisely completed its numbers without delay [61] and has forced M. Lacave Laplagne to take the vacancy on the refusal of M. Passy, but the loss of M. Humann is none the less real and the perplexity of the Ministry has correspondingly increased. Yesterday's newspaper relates a somewhat amusing remark by Marshal Soult, who said when he heard of several deaths during the last week, "Indeed! Apparently they are beating the roll-call in the next world."

Rochecotte, May 2, 1842.—I have heard from the Castellanes from Bonifacio at the moment when they were about to cross to Sardinia. This unusual expedition, thank Heaven, has been a great success. They should now be on their way from Toulon to Perpignan. I shall be glad to hear that they have returned to the Continent, if only because I shall have news of them more constantly and more regularly.

The successful confinement of the Duchesse de Nemours and the birth of the Comte d'Eu has naturally caused much delight among the Royal Family.

Rochecotte, May 5, 1842.—I have heard from Pauline from Toulon; she gives no details, as she was disembarking, but I know that she is on dry land and am relieved.

The Duc de Orléans wished to hear the Abélard of M. de Rémusat and spent three evenings at the house of Madame Récamier for that purpose. A dozen members of the Opposition were also there, including M. and Madame Thiers.

Rochecotte, May 6, 1842.—The Castellanes are now at Perpignan and are delighted with their tour in Corsica and Sardinia. Pauline rode on horseback with a dagger in her waist-belt: she slept in the house of the bandits and supped with Orso della Robbia, the hero of 136 Colomba; [62] she took shelter beneath the rock where the two gunshots were fired and accepted, as a token of admiration, a dagger stained with blood shed in the vendetta. The best part of it is that she had the strength to go through these wanderings, that she is perfectly happy and interested, that her husband is delighted with the accomplishment of so original an enterprise, while their little Marie is as healthy and cheerful as ever.

The Carlist party is dividing more and more. The Duc de Noailles is at the head of the moderate faction, which grows stronger. Berryer remains at the head of the other, which is little more than a group, and is steadily drifting towards the left.

Rochecotte, May 10, 1842.—I have had good news from the Castellanes. I miss them greatly. The pleasant company of Pauline, the infinite resource of Henri's conversation and the pretty ways of Marie, are a great help to me: I can trust myself to them and never feel tired, and in their society I can unbend; they have become quite necessary to me; they form part of all my projects and plans for the future, and I cannot conceive my old age separated from them. I flatter myself that I too have a real part in their life. Yesterday I had a charming letter from Henri, full of confidence and tenderness, saying what I was to them and to himself in particular. As soon as his eccentricities have been forgotten, his good qualities become a real tie of affection; he is entirely upright, loyal and sincere, of high moral dignity and perfect nobility of heart. Louis, my son, is also a pleasant companion and perfectly reliable; Alexandre has his good points, but his position embitters his character and destroys the equability of his temper. I am sometimes very sorry for him, as financial reasons do not allow him to take the position he would prefer. He is fond of his children, for which I do him full justice: I also am fond of his granddaughter, who is sweet and pretty, and I grow sad at the 137 thought of what her future may be. At one time I was able to do without children quite easily, but now I am entirely changed, and I feel that something is really wanting when one or more of these little people are not about me. I can give them my time with real earnest and feel greatly drawn to these weak little beings for whom Providence may have such great and strange destinies in store. It is strange how age changes one's character, and it is a great blessing granted by Providence which thus enables us to avoid many a thorn in our paths.

Rochecotte, May 11, 1842.—Newspapers yesterday told us of the dreadful accident that happened on the railway on the left bank from Versailles to Paris: the details are appalling. Galignani gives them in full, though the exact number or the names of the dead are not yet known. The bodies, especially those which suffered from fire, are so disfigured as to make identification impossible. Since the railways were opened, this is the greatest, the most complicated and dreadful accident which has occurred. I think the damages should be enormous; the authorities will then be more careful, for accidents only happen from want of precaution and attention.

Rochecotte, May 15, 1842. (Whit Sunday.)—M. de Barante arrived yesterday at the end of the morning, pleasant, kind and affectionate as ever. The people he found here are something of an obstacle to conversation. He told me no news of any importance and his own future remains very uncertain. If the health of M. de La Tour Maubourg remains as deplorable as it is, he will be obliged to retire and Barante will then go to Rome. The question of St. Petersburg may remain open for a long time.

The only topic of conversation at Paris is the lavish magnificence of Mr. Hope's residence and the entertainments given there. They are said to equal nothing less than the drawing-rooms of Versailles under Louis XIV. [63]

138 Rochecotte, May 16, 1842.—Yesterday as I was driving to mass at the parish church, the coachman insisted upon taking a wrong turning through the woods in spite of my remonstrances. He upset the carriage and broke his right leg. Madame de Sainte-Aldegonde and myself were sitting at the back of the carriage, Madame de Dino and M. de Barante in front, while Jacques was on the seat behind. He jumped in time and suffered no harm: Barante and my daughter-in-law were also unscathed; as I was sitting on the side towards which the carriage overturned, Madame de Sainte-Aldegonde fell upon me and I was thus crushed by my neighbour and the hood of the carriage. We were rescued by some people who were going to mass. Madame de Sainte-Aldegonde wrenched the muscles of her neck in trying to hold herself back; but the only real subject for pity was the coachman. The rest of the day was spent in recovering from the shock of this event and in the various little cares necessitated by it.

Rochecotte, May 17, 1842.—I am still shaken by the fall of the day before yesterday and feel some pain from the bruises which were caused by it. It will be several days before the effects of this accident have entirely worn off. The coachman is going on as well as can be expected.

Yesterday I spent almost the whole of the morning sitting in the open air in charming weather. There is no news of any kind, nor did anything happen of the least interest during the day. Barante's interesting and charming conversation is a great resource for me during the few days that he is spending here. It is a long time since such a piece of good luck fell to my share. I am enjoying it infinitely, and with the more satisfaction because my belief in him is as complete as my pleasure is real. He is upright, trustworthy and kind to such an extent that he can be entirely relied upon. He is a deeply pious character and his intellect is neither exhausted nor limited.

139 Rochecotte, May 30, 1842.—Yesterday we went to the parish church for the Fête Dieu. We followed the procession in a blazing sun to the resting-place where the little Clémentine de Dino had been carried. The priest placed the holy sacrament upon her head; this is said to bring children good luck. The little girl, who is very sweet and pretty, behaved herself delightfully. She was in the arms of her nurse, a pretty woman on her knees, in the midst of the people, the incense, the flowers and the beauties of nature, and the spectacle was delightful; it affected me to tears and I earnestly prayed from my grandmother's heart that the little girl might become a good and honourable Christian.

Rochecotte, June 1, 1842.—The Duc d'Orléans proposes to make a long tour of military inspection as a preliminary to the manœuvres. It is said that he will have an interview with the King of the Low Countries at Luxemburg. Duke Bernard of Saxe-Weimar is coming to Paris, and Duke Gustavus of Mecklenburg, the other uncle of the Duchesse d'Orléans, is already there. The Emperor of Brazil is to marry the last sister of the King of Naples.

The Ministry has experienced some checks in the discussion upon the budget; rumours are spreading that it may suffer a defeat during the elections.

Lord Cowley has invited the Princes to be present at a ball to be given on the 24th, Queen Victoria's birthday; they have declined. England thus appears not to be in the fashion. I am astonished that the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d'Aumale should choose this moment for a journey to England.

The Charivari contains two articles which are said to libel Madame de Lieven and M. Guizot; one is called "Two Pigeons," the other "A Drive in a Pony Chaise by Moonlight."

Queen Christina has ostensibly hired Malmaison as a summer residence. The truth seems to be that she has bought it through a third person.

The Prince de Polignac is at Paris for the marriage of his 140 son with Mlle. de Crillon, and walks about the streets without arousing the smallest curiosity. The Legitimists who have a violent grudge against him, decline to notice him.

I hear from Nice that the Grand Duchess Stephanie, when her daughter was cured of the rosalie, felt some premonitory symptoms of the same malady which she neglected, with her habitual imprudence, and went for a sail against her doctor's advice. The vessel was delayed and she returned home very ill. On the 25th her condition was serious, and the doctor of Nice had called in other doctors from Marseilles for a consultation. I am sorry to hear it, for I feel deeply attached to the Grand Duchess.

I have good news from Pauline. My son-in-law paid a visit by himself to Madame Adélaïde and was warmly welcomed. He was thrown from his horse and returned home quite lame. [64]

Rochecotte, June 4, 1842.—Our young princes who proposed to travel to England have postponed their departure indefinitely. Under existing circumstances the journey would have been inopportune.

Rochecotte, June 7, 1842.—I have a very sad letter from Pauline. Her husband returned from Randan quite ill, either in consequence of the fall from his horse or owing to an attack of rheumatic fever. Whatever the cause may be, the results are serious. He is feverish and delirious, has attacks of nervous trouble, terrible pain and fainting fits. All this happened in the middle of the mountains and it was necessary to carry him home on a stretcher with his wife riding beside him. Such are the perils of life in the country. There is no doctor in the neighbourhood. I do not like this mode of life which is unsuited to Pauline's delicate health. Love and duty make everything beautiful in her eyes, but when the moment of trial comes, she feels herself very lonely in the midst of a wild country. Her husband was better 141 when she despatched her letter. I am very anxious to hear later news.

Rochecotte, June 11, 1842.—I hear from Paris that Barante will certainly not return to St. Petersburg, because no Ambassador will be sent. The post will be filled by an ordinary Minister; I have not heard who will be chosen. Immediately after the elections there will be a short session of the Chambers for a fortnight during the month of August.

Rochecotte, June 14, 1842.—The newspapers say that M. Dupanloup has delivered a strikingly successful course of lectures on pulpit oratory at the Sarbonne. We shall also see the course suddenly terminated; it has given rise to much talk at Paris. M. Royer-Collard tells me that he thinks the Abbé Dupanloup was wrong to quote Voltaire in his lectures, though we may imagine how the quotation was made. He reminds me that under the Restoration the clergy sent Voltaire through eighteen editions by their attacks. At present he is hardly read, and therefore should not be quoted. The Abbé himself wrote to tell the Dean of the Faculty that to avoid any further outbreaks he would bring his course of lectures to an end. The Dean communicated the letter to the Minister of Education, who took the Abbé at his word without proposing any preventive measures to avoid the scandal which, as usual, was caused by a very small and very noisy minority.

Madame de Lieven tells me of the death of Matusiewicz, but gives no details. The poor Conference of London is rapidly disappearing: M. de Talleyrand, the Prince de Lieven, and now Matusiewicz. The Princess also tells me that poverty in England is extreme. The customs union of Germany has greatly damaged English commerce. Sir Robert Peel is extremely powerful, and seems likely to remain in office; every one else is overshadowed by him. Queen Victoria showed much courage and good sense in her last adventure. Her would-be assassin will not be executed, as the bullet has not been found. [65]

142 M. Guizot is, as usual, delighted with the session which has just come to an end, and with the prospect of the coming elections. Barante is pleasantly employed at London, and writes very nice letters. He was very kindly received at Windsor: he tells me that he did not find Lady Holland greatly changed, though he has not seen her for fifteen years; her rigid and imperious expression apparently remains unaltered. At the mention of her husband's name her eyes fill with tears, which does not suit her general expression; she shows such general want of amiability that her grief in this respect has become almost a subject of jest in society. Lady Clanricarde is very bitter against Russia. Lord Stuart has returned suffering from apoplexy, and his brain is said to have been slightly affected; it is not likely that he will return to St. Petersburg.

Regarding the general attitude of England to France, Barante writes as follows: "From a political point of view, I think there is a real desire to live upon good terms with us, and the manifestations of our Chambers and our newspapers have aroused regret and uneasiness. Every one knows that these were caused by ill-temper, and not by any desire for war; but if these demonstrations and opinions should continue to increase, it is impossible to foresee the result."

Rochecotte, June 16, 1842.—M. and Madame de La Rochejaquelein, my neighbours from Ussé, [66] came to spend part of the day here yesterday. She has been very pretty and pleasant, and retains both of these qualities. Her husband is a kind of wild huntsman from the Vendée who has been wounded in the handsomest possible fashion; the scar crosses the whole of his face, but does not disfigure it.

143 Rochecotte, June 17, 1842.—When I came home after returning Madame de La Rochejaquelein's call, I found a letter from Pauline. After reading it I resolved to start at once to help the poor child. As it is a toilsome journey, difficult and almost dangerous through the mountains, and as I shall probably be obliged to travel on horseback for the last day, while the presence of a man may be useful to Pauline, I resolved to accept the offer of the good Vestier, who knows the country, and who is devoted to the Castellanes. They are also fond of him, and he will accompany me. He will sit on the box with Jacques, and his presence will be a great support. I shall go through without stopping; I am leaving all my servants here, and the house will go on as if I were not absent. It is a hard trial. God is great. Let us bow the head and adore, and remember that happiness is not to be found in this world.

Aubijou, June 22, 1842.—I left Rochecotte on the 18th in the morning. As I took no luggage in my carriage, had four horses on level ground, six in the mountains, and was preceded by a courier, I did not stop, and arrived here in forty-eight hours, which is wonderfully rapid travelling. I found my son-in-law terribly changed. The condition of his thigh, which was the primary cause of his illness, has improved, and gives no cause for alarm, but the nervous shock which it has produced causes me great anxiety. He is better, but by no means convalescent yet. I shall not return home until he reaches that stage, and as soon as he can be moved he will go to take the waters at Néris. Pauline is not ill, but she is growing very tired by reason of constant agitation and anxiety; she has shown great devotion. The presence of Vestier, who was a real support to me in these wild districts, greatly pleases my son-in-law. I thank Providence that he was so kind as to think of coming with me, for he is by far the most acceptable visitor to the invalid.

The roads here are frightful; the country for the last three leagues is not picturesque, but bare, dismal, and wild; the climate is disagreeable, and the temporary house in which we are encamped amid disorder is disgusting, especially for an 144 invalid. It is a wooden house, swarming with fleas and mice; neither windows nor doors will shut, so that draughts have full play, and the noise is horrible. We are six leagues from a chemist's shop, and there is nothing to be had; I am horrified that they should think of building in such a country. Everything has to be made, even the level space of ground upon which to build the house. It will not be finished for years, but the Castellanes hope they may be able to live in a quarter of it next year!

Aubijou, June 23, 1842.—My son-in-law is much easier. The weather is abominable, and yesterday it thundered and rained in torrents the whole day; it is a horrible country, and I am not over-estimating its deficiencies, and am quite in despair at the idea of building a house here. It is quite possible to live here for nothing if people will live as the natives do, but any attempt to introduce civilisation is very expensive, and I fear my son-in-law will regret his attempt to take root here, for reasons both of health and money. No one could be more reasonable or gentle than Pauline, or show greater resignation and devotion; her conduct is admirable throughout this illness and the infinite number of troubles and vexations it involves; during all these she has shown both spirit and good sense, and is generally held in the highest esteem. All their servants are quite devoted to them. Here we are half enveloped in the clouds; the inhabitants are very uncivilised; in September they bake a six months' supply of bread; in October they shut themselves up with their cattle and intercommunication ceases; they then remain buried in the snow, which sometimes does not melt even in the month of May. Some parts of Auvergne are very picturesque, but not on this side; the mountains are too round and their summits too flat and bare; there is no fine expanse of water, and the whole outlook is most monotonous. The ruins of the old castle of Aubijou alone give a little character to the countryside; these have been wisely covered with climbing plants. My son-in-law is also planting on a large scale to improve the surroundings of the house and the view from the windows, but it will be a long time before his plantations 145 grow; meanwhile the general aspect is dismal and I think the climate is very trying.

Aubijou, June 24, 1842.—My son-in-law had refused every proposal to move him, but after a very restless night he suddenly declared that he would stay here no longer. We immediately fell in with his desire for flight, ordered horses and packed our things, but we cannot start until to-morrow. Henri will travel lying down, and by very short stages. The doctors declare that to stay here would be the worst possible thing for him, and of this I am firmly convinced. It is a most fatal spot in which to be ill. He will rest for a few days at Clermont and then go to take the waters at Néris which have been prescribed, and are, I think, the best in the world for nervous rheumatism. I shall travel for some distance in company with them to see how he bears the journey, and will then go in advance of them. I shall turn aside at Néris to find them a good lodging, and then proceed to Rochecotte, where I shall be very glad to return, for I am dreadfully tired and I feel that if I were to stay longer here I should fall ill. My poor daughter is worn out; at any rate, both at Clermont and Néris she will be in a civilised country, within reach of help and away from the terrible loneliness in which she lives here.

To please my son-in-law I made a long and curious excursion yesterday in the valley overlooked by his new buildings. I found some fine pieces of water and splendid trees, but there is no means of approach and paths must be cut with an axe.

Longueplaine, near Tours, June 29, 1842. At the house of M. de la Besnardière.—We left Aubijou on the morning of the 25th. It was not an easy journey. My son-in-law was laid upon a mattress in their large travelling carriage, which is fortunately very roomy. Then came the question of leaving the mountains. Apart from the carriage of the Castellanes, which contained them with their doctor, their chambermaid, their child, and two lacqueys on the box, there was my carriage, with myself, a chambermaid, M. Vestier, and Jacques on the box; then came a little tilbury, drawn by Corsican horses, in which were the cook and an Auvergne jockey. On horseback was the estate agent, a keeper, and a negro, whom 146 my son-in-law had brought back from the south and who is called Zéphir, blowing a horn. It was a strange spectacle, and resembled a scene from the Roman comique. The road, however, was by no means cheerful, with its rocks, its precipices, and its dangers, but by going gently and holding in the carriages, we came through without mishap. I will admit, to my shame, that I so far yielded to my fears as to leave my large carriage and take the cook's place in the tilbury, which proceeded with less danger, as it was lighter and narrower. Night came upon us before we had left the region of precipices, and my cowardice was then displayed in the most disgraceful manner and I wept. The Castellanes spent the night at Massiac. I left them there, feeling content with the effect of the open air upon Henri's nerves. I proceeded in advance, and reached Clermont on the morning of the 26th. I saw the doctor who had already been called in to Henri, and gave him an account of the invalid's progress. After announcing that he would arrive the same evening, I went a few leagues further from the town and visited Randan. I was very curious to see it, and I also knew that my visit would be a compliment to Madame Adélaïde. I admit that I was greatly undeceived: only three things justify the reputation of the place—the view, which is admirable, the fine old trees, and the kitchens and out-buildings, which, are, indeed, too handsome and entirely out of proportion to the rest of the establishment, which lacks distinction. A very poor avenue of poplar-trees, crossing a wretched village, leads to a paling of painted wood; through a gate one enters a kind of quincunx, at the end of which another turn leads to the narrow courtyards of the château. The entrance is very poor, though it would have been easy to cut a great avenue through the woods leading straight to the château. The château itself is built partly of brick, with painted roofs, and partly of white stone abutting upon the old part of the building, and forming a dreadful contrast of styles. The rooms are low, the decorations heavy and mean, the furniture without style or harmony, neither simple nor magnificent, and the apotheosis of bad taste. The hall and the ante-chamber are extremely narrow 147 and inconvenient; there are no artistic objects, the sculptures are plaster and the paintings, which chiefly consist of family portraits, are bad copies. In the salon, which is called the family room because the whole of the present generation are there gathered, I was glad to see the portrait of Madame de Genlis. Madame Adélaïde's room is very small and, in my opinion, very ugly. The corridors on the first floor are dark, narrow, and inconvenient. The library is in the principal reception-room, where there is also a billiard-table; I do not think there were more than a thousand volumes. A wide terrace, which covers the kitchens, leads from the castle to the chapel. The terrace, which is well-adorned with flowers, is a fine point of view, but an iron trellis-work, which covers half of it, is so narrow and low that it is quite spoilt. The chapel is large, but in no particular style, and the decorations within are ugly. There are some very poor modern windows, a confessional-box, painted and coloured like a screen, holy water stoups of gilded cardboard, and, I repeat, a general want of dignity, gracefulness, and taste. The dining-room is the best preserved apartment; it is vaulted and painted with frescoes in extremely varied colours, and is too low. Some people praise it highly, but it is not to my taste.

I returned to Clermont at the moment when the Castellanes were arriving at the town and my son-in-law had borne the journey well. The doctor said he would be able to start for Néris at the end of twenty-four hours. I left them on the 27th, satisfied with the positive assurance that the doctor gave me, that there was no danger, though convalescence would be a slow and painful process. I went to Néris to engage rooms for them, a necessary precaution as there were many people in residence, and I had some trouble in finding a suitable house. The doctor at Néris whom I had known for a long time, is an excellent and careful man and I gave him full information concerning the case. I only stayed at Néris for dinner and to select rooms for the Castellanes, and after spending the night in my carriage I arrived here yesterday evening at the house of M. de la Besnardière. It has involved a detour of only two leagues and allowed me to pay a 148 long-standing debt. They were considerably vexed that I had not paid them this visit earlier. The house is pretty, clean, convenient and almost fashionable, and full of little comforts which aroused my astonishment. It was the sight of Rochecotte which induced him to put this house in repair and for this purpose he employed Vestier, whose efforts were very successful. I shall lunch here, call at the Prefecture of Tours and reach my own house in time for dinner. I greatly need rest.

Rochecotte, June 30, 1842.—I stopped for an hour at Tours yesterday to call on the d'Entraigues. Every one was busy with the elections. I found all in good health except Alava, who had returned during my absence and was so changed during these few weeks that I think his end must be near.

Rochecotte, July 3, 1842.—The newspapers announce the death of M. de Sismondi. Notwithstanding his pedantry, he is a man to be regretted, a kind and very learned character.

The young people here are busy studying motets which are to be sung to-day in my chapel on the occasion of a solemn benediction which the priest will pronounce this evening at five o'clock. An association of girls has been started in this parish which has existed for a long time in neighbouring provinces, and will be called an association of the Daughters of the Virgin. It is a secular organisation and no renunciation of marriage is required. The members merely undertake to avoid bad company, to live honourable lives, to repeat the little office of the Virgin, to attend the sacraments regularly and to set a good example. At church and in processions they are dressed in white with blue sashes. I was asked to give them a banner and their blue sashes which I have done. They will be instituted to-day to the number of fifteen. As my chapel is dedicated to the Virgin and as a mark of gratitude for my gifts, they propose to go there in procession with their banner unfolded. For this occasion the Grand Vicars have allowed the performance of a choral benediction. This is a great event in the parish. Fortunately the weather is very fine. Pauline would have been very glad to be present and I regret her absence deeply.

149 Rochecotte, July 4, 1842.—Yesterday's ceremony was most edifying, bright and picturesque. Fanny, Alexandre and their music master sang extremely well. The girls were in white and blue and the chapel was decorated with flowers. There were at least five hundred people on the terrace to receive the blessing which was given from the altar which faces the chapel door opening on the terrace.

Rochecotte, July 7, 1842.—I have a letter from the Princesse de Lieven. She tells me that the Bishop of Orléans [67] has been appointed Archbishop of Tours and she adds from M. Guizot that I shall find this prelate very satisfactory. A letter from Pauline tells me that her husband is rapidly recovering.

Rochecotte, July 10, 1842.—M. de la Besnardière came yesterday to spend a few hours here in the interval between the formation of committees and a vote of the electoral college of Tours. This department, which is generally so peaceful, has never been in such a ferment.

Rochecotte, July 11, 1842.—The great news of the district is that M. Crémieux, a Jewish lawyer, has been elected by a majority of thirty-five votes. M. Crémieux is a stranger to the district with which he has no connection. The result is really inexplicable unless it is due to his oratorical powers, for like a true lawyer he has talked so many hours on end that he filled the country people with admiration. If a similar result occurs at Loches, our department will be represented entirely by the Left. The Ministry, which will not admit its total neglect of the Prefect's requirements, will then blame M. d'Entraigues and perhaps we shall lose him, which would grieve me greatly. Moreover, these elections were thought likely to strengthen the Conservative reaction and if this expectation is falsified, the outlook will be extremely gloomy.

Rochecotte, July 12, 1842.—I have had a call from Dr. Orye and from M. de Quinemont. Both gave me a description of the disgraceful electoral scenes at Chinon, where M. Crémieux was carried shoulder high by the scum of the populace, who were unfortunately joined by Legitimists from the 150 left bank of the Loire, in which district they are very numerous. The country electors were also largely influenced by the fact that they heard M. Crémieux speak for three hours on end without blowing his nose, spitting, or coughing, which they thought magnificent. I am very anxious to learn the general result of this reaction, which may have grave and serious consequences.

Rochecotte, July 14, 1842.—Alava came back here yesterday, and is full of election stories from Tours. Many disgraceful incidents took place. According to the newspapers, however, it seems that upon the general result of the elections the Ministry will have gained a few votes, and it is much that they have lost none. I must confess that I am very anxious to learn the final figures.

Rochecotte, July 15, 1842.—M. de Chalais had just arrived yesterday when I was expecting the Prefect, but instead of him a courier rode up whom he had sent to bring me the terrible news which has overwhelmed me, the news that the Duc d'Orléans was dead, in consequence of a fall from his carriage. I know no details except that he died at Neuilly on July 13, the day before yesterday, at half-past four in the afternoon. The accident took place the same day at midday at Sablonville. My thoughts are entirely occupied with this sad event, both as a matter of personal loss and as a public disaster. How will a long Regency be possible in a country so disturbed as France now is? Personally, I have to regret the friendship of which the young Prince had given me such honourable and flattering proofs. It is also a loss for my son Valençay. I really do not know whether the Prince's wife and mother will survive this terrible blow.

Rochecotte, July 16, 1842.—M. de Chalais went away yesterday at the end of the morning, and I accompanied him as far as Langeais. When I returned I found the house full of neighbours who had come to learn the details of this disastrous death. It seems to me more unfortunate and more likely to produce serious consequences at every moment. The details in the Journal des Débats formed the only complete and official account. I am also told that passers-by 151 saw the Prince stand up in his carriage and look in the front of him to see if the horse which had bolted would meet any obstacle upon the road. There was nothing in the way and the same spectators saw the Prince calmly resume his seat, then lean out of the carriage and look behind him, as though to speak to the servant who was on the seat behind; he, however, had already jumped down, as the seat was empty. Probably the Prince thought that the servant had fallen and wishing with courageous kindness to help him, he then jumped from the carriage, for he did not make his spring until he had seen that his servant was not in his seat.

Rochecotte, July 18, 1842.—No one writes to me from Paris where I have but few correspondents at this moment; moreover, everybody is overwhelmed by consternation, but the newspapers are interesting and I search with painful eagerness for every detail touching our poor Prince and his unhappy family.

I am sorry to see that each newspaper, according to its political opinions, classifies the newly elected deputies upon different principles. The Journal des Débats announces a majority of seventy-three for the Ministry; others reduce the majority to three, and some even say that the Ministry is in a minority.

I also see that the press is already beginning to discuss the different forms of Regency, though the terms of the law in which the Government is preparing to deal with the question are not yet known. When the first shock has passed we shall see many sad results.

Rochecotte, July 19, 1842.—Yesterday I received a heartrending letter from Madame Adélaïde. It is very good of her to have written so clearly. I had sent her a letter but did not expect any reply. M. de Boismilon, the secretary of the Duc d'Orléans, has also written a letter containing many details. No one as yet can think or speak of anything but the death of this unhappy young Prince.

M. d'Entraigues arrived here to-day; he will leave me to-morrow, for at the present moment every official is anxious 152 to be at his post. He is very despondent on many accounts. The radicals of Tours have already given a banquet and did not scruple to express their delight at the death of the Duc d'Orléans.

Rochecotte, July 21, 1842.—Every one is agreed in predicting the fall of the Ministry as likely to occur immediately and M. Molé's name is in every mouth.

The Council wished the Duc d'Orléans to be buried at Saint-Denis, but the Queen has insisted upon Dreux. I think she is wrong.

Rochecotte, July 22, 1842.—I can think of nothing but the gloomy palace of Neuilly. The Queen is sublime; she spends days and nights in the chapel on her knees by the coffin. The King's time is divided between business and mourning. The Duchesse d'Orléans derives strength from her undaunted Methodist principles. The will of the poor Prince is said to be an admirable document: it treats the question of the Regency in full and the solution is in favour of the Duc de Nemours. The Duc d'Orléans had no very high opinion of his brother and he therefore showed an entire preference for the male sex and the right of primogeniture. At the same time the Duc de Nemours should be given his due: when the doctor Chomel met him and told him the details of an event of which he only knew the terrible telegraphic summary, he fainted and could not be brought round for a long time. His grief does him honour and is entirely justified by this dreadful loss; for the Duc d'Orléans whom I knew very well, was distinguished both as a Prince and as a man upon the whole, in spite of certain faults of mind and character. His good and striking qualities were numerous: for instance he had a profound respect for the responsibility which had fallen to him; his clear insight had taught him the necessity of a dignified bearing and he would have sacrificed at no price what he had gained in this respect; his judgment, if somewhat restless, was broad, rapid and fruitful in result; his habits of mind were marked by a certain depression, though he would never be discouraged; constantly thinking of the future, he was always preparing for it, though he had 153 little real belief in it; his generosity was with him a point of pride, as also was the certainty and loyalty of his friendship; though by no means an emotional character, his courtesy made people forget his want of sensitiveness which was not a dominant feature in him and was only visible upon rare occasions; he was most courteous to those in whom he recognised any outstanding quality; for such qualities he was ever in search and deferred to them with his accustomed good taste. His reign would have displayed many features which are now wanting; there would have been vigour, stimulus and enthusiasm. When once engaged upon a task he would never have retreated: that, indeed, would have been the great danger, but he would have learnt prudence by means of the circumspection which was already obvious in him, and there was every reason to believe that notwithstanding his impetuosity, he would have learnt upon the throne to resist rash impulses. At the present moment every one seems to understand that with the loss of this link in the royal chain we have lost the guarantee of our security, and that our heads and our property are worth less than they were before; so profound is this impression that the Ministry hopes to find in it a means of continuing in office, but this is not my opinion. When the first days of astonishment are over, political feeling will make its way once more into the Chamber of Deputies, and will pass votes in accordance with the trend of opinion which has been manifested in the elections. People are generally agreed that M. Molé's chances are good; M. Guizot and M. Thiers are out of the question for the moment.

My niece Fanny and her governess started for Paris yesterday where I shall follow them in a few days.

Rochecotte, July 23, 1842.—I spent yesterday in making some preparations for departure. The King is described as looking very ill, with his features contracted and his complexion ashen. The Duchesse d'Orléans has had the dead man's uniform, sword and scarf placed upon the bier now lying in the chapel of Neuilly. When the King first saw these emblems on the fifth day after the event, he burst into 154 sobs so loud as to drown those of the mother and sisters. It is said that the Queen's grief almost deprived her of consciousness. The sorrow of the Duchesse d'Orléans is gentler or as some say calmer. The Duc de Nemours is said to be so upset as to be hardly recognisable. The painter Scheffer is painting a picture which will show the room in the inn where the terrible disaster of the 13th was concluded. The Queen continually says to any one she sees, "Pray for him." Her despair is greatly increased by the thought that her son died before he could fulfil his religious duties. Not a single carriage enters the court of Neuilly and everything there seems to be walled up as if in a tomb.

Rochecotte, July 24, 1842.—My letters say that nothing was more mournful than the reception of the visits of condolence. The King sobbed as one who could not restrain himself. The political horizon is already growing dark with clouds. I shall certainly start for Paris to-morrow morning.

Paris, July 27, 1842.—I have already seen a large number of people: first of all Valençay and Fanny, as they were coming back from the royal reception, where the King's sobs rent everybody's heart. Every one is talking of the infinite grief of the Royal Family and the unpopularity of M. Guizot; however, M. Molé does not think he will be overthrown in the short session of the Chambers now impending.

Paris, July 28, 1842.—Yesterday morning was a very painful time: most of it I spent at Neuilly and stayed more than an hour with Madame Adélaïde who deeply touched me with her kindness. She treated me as the one who regretted the poor Prince most profoundly apart from her own family. She took me into the little chapel which is almost entirely filled by the bier and is entered by very few people, to pray and sprinkle holy water. This mark of kindness is largely due to the fact that in the will of the dead Prince, very honourable reference is made to myself, to judge from the words of his aunt, while a souvenir which he has left me is also mentioned. Madame gave me no other details because, as she said, the Duchesse d'Orléans wished to give me them herself. I am to see both her and the King and Queen after 155 the funeral. The sadness at Neuilly is impossible to describe. It is a vast tomb and a visitor would think himself in a mausoleum. By the Queen's desire the psalms of the priests are continued day and night: they can be heard in every part of the castle with terribly gloomy effect; every face is downcast and tear-stained.

When I returned home I found M. de Barante, the Duc de Noailles and M. de Salvandy who were waiting for me. I heard no news from them except that M. Thiers, who wishes to secure his position and his favour with the King, is exhorting the Left to a mild and moderate attitude. There is an official despatch from M. de Flahaut who says that in consequence of his fall last year the Duc de Bordeaux is not only permanently lame but that an abscess has formed in his thigh which will not allow him to go to Trieste for the sea bathing and that he has countermanded the house which he had taken there. Berlin and Vienna have displayed a very correct attitude on receiving the news of the death of the Duc d'Orléans.

I then had a long interview with poor Boismilon who is overwhelmed by the death of his Prince. The evening before the accident the Duc d'Orléans, who was preparing for camp, said to his old German valet who has never left him, "My dear Holder, you are getting worn out; come with me this time only and then I know a position where you will be able to rest without leaving me; I will ask the King to appoint you keeper of the vault of Dreux." Such were the actual words, for Boismilon was there and heard them.

Sainte-Aulaire came to talk to me to-day. He has a great admiration for England but regrets the bad relations subsisting between the two Governments and says that ours is absolutely in the wrong. He says that if things go on as they have done the Embassies of London and Paris will be occupied only by Chargés d'Affaires.

The Duc de Noailles is wearing mourning and receiving letters at Neuilly on grounds of cousinship. He believes that the Duc de Poix has written to the King on the occasion of this sad event. The Legitimist party is greatly shattered and disunited, and had it not been for the death of the Duc 156 d'Orléans, which has shaken all confidence in the stability and permanence of the present state of things, most of the Legitimists would have rallied. As things are, unless the condition of the Duc de Bordeaux becomes worse, and this seems to be possible, I see little chance of an agreement, although the Legitimists do not follow any definite system or direction. It is simply another element of anarchy.

Paris, July 30, 1842.—M. Royer-Collard came to see me yesterday. In character I think him precisely what he has been in recent years, but physically he is greatly changed. This he feels himself and thinks chiefly of the life beyond.

To-day the remains of the Prince Royal were solemnly carried to Paris. It was a quiet, grave and calm ceremony in which the clergy took a very large part; the first time for twelve years that the clergy have appeared in public. The experiment produced no bad result. All the shops were and are closed.

Yesterday I heard that M. de Zea has lost all credit and favour with Queen Christina. The Infanta Carlotta has so attracted her niece Isabella, that Espartero is becoming anxious; he wishes to send this formidable Infanta away from Madrid, and the ladies concerned in this intimacy have already been removed from the neighbourhood of the young Queen.

The Duchesse d'Orléans shows not the smallest regret at the loss of the Regency: her thoughts are entirely occupied with her position as guardian of her children and with her rights as mother; she wishes to have full liberty of action on both of these accounts and to smooth down beforehand any difficulty or controversy on this matter, both for the present and for the future, which the King's death will complicate and make more important.

Paris, August 1, 1842.—Yesterday I called upon the Marquise de Jaucourt whom I found in a poor state of health. She had heard yesterday evening from the Prefect of the Seine that the brothers of the Prince Royal had run great risks during the transference of his remains to Paris: barrels of gunpowder had been placed in position to blow 157 them up, but the matter was discovered in time and no sensation will be made. The poor Queen daily receives anonymous letters which state that assassins are dogging the King to a greater extent than ever. What dreadful monsters!

Paris, August 2, 1842.—The King has had a somewhat lively interview with M. Molé, and reproached him with bringing disunion and discord upon the Conservative party: M. Molé replied that he was sorry to displease the King, but regretted that he could not obey him, as the immediate safety of France depended upon the fall of M. Guizot. Madame de Lieven is embittered by this reply, and is even less self-restrained than before.

The Duchesse d'Orléans causes some astonishment by her anxiety concerning her position. She shows no wish to be the Regent of the minority, but seems anxious to hold that position when the majority is attained, which will be fixed or has been proposed at the limit of eighteen years. There are many intrigues in progress and all minds are active.

The Dauphine was to go to Vienna for the birthday of the Emperor as usual, but on learning of the death of the Duc d'Orléans she wrote to excuse herself, and to say that in such circumstances she could not appear at any festivity and would stay in the country. I think she has shown excellent dignity and good taste.

Paris, August 4, 1842.—The ceremony at Notre Dame was magnificent, splendid, simple and imposing. There was no untoward incident except the noisy chattering of the deputies; and M. Laffitte, whose duty it was as the oldest member of the Chamber to sprinkle holy water on the bier, bowed neither to the Archbishop, from whom he took the sprinkler, nor to the coffin. The Duc de Nemours looked very handsome and bowed most gracefully. The same is true of the Prince de Joinville also, but not of the other two princes. Visconti had decorated and arranged Notre Dame most successfully, and the black drapery increased the effect of the noble architecture instead of hiding it. The plain-song, far from spoiling the effect, was more 158 suitable than any other form would have been, so well was it performed. There was indeed nothing to criticise, and if every one did not feel the same degree of emotion, emotion was at least visible in every case.

My niece Hohenthal writes from Teplitz to say that the Duc de Bordeaux is receiving much benefit from the mineral waters and the baths, but people were disagreeably surprised to see him at the play on the very evening when the news of the death of the Duc d'Orléans arrived.

Paris, August 5, 1842.—Yesterday I went to the Sacré Cœur to say farewell to Madame de Gramont. She had just received letters from Kirchberg [68] which told her that the day after the news of the Duc d'Orléans' death had arrived a black mass was said at which the Dauphin, the Dauphine and Mademoiselle had both been present and had communicated, in prayer for the soul of the deceased. I have heard of nothing more touching or more Christian.

From the Rue de Varennes I went to say good-bye to the Princesse de Lieven at Beauséjour. I found her greatly agitated by the Ministerial crisis which is in the air, very angry with M. Molé, and delighted because the King was exasperated with him. She also asserted that M. Guizot will not retire until he has induced the Chamber to pass a definite vote expressing what is known as his unpopularity: she also says that he will not retire when an opposition President has been nominated; that he will oppose the Address and the law upon the Regency; that he will then demand explanations from the Chamber, and that the Chamber will only dissolve when he has been directly and clearly rejected. The King wishes that such shall be the course of events.

M. Royer-Collard came to see me this morning; he was tired, spoke of his approaching death, and gave me the impression that he felt it to be at hand. This was depressing, and I was not in good spirits at Maffliers where, in company with M. de Valençay, I dined with the poor Périgords, whose household has been greatly saddened by the failing health of Madame d'Arenberg.

159 Paris, August 7, 1842.—Yesterday at two o'clock I went to Neuilly in accordance with the orders of Madame Adélaïde. I took my leave of her, and as the King was kind enough to wish to see me, he came into his sister's rooms. I found him looking very ill, and was the more moved to compassion as his grief is manifested most naturally. Sometimes he will speak of indifferent subjects, and then a word will recall his loss and he weeps bitterly. The Queen's grief is said to be the most vehement. She was so good, as was also the Duchesse d'Orléans, as to send very kind messages and regrets that she could not see me, but they feared, and with reason, that many other ladies might also ask an audience of them if they made any exception. Since her misfortune the Queen has seen no one except her family, her household and the Ministers.

After leaving Madame I went to see Mesdames de Dolomieu and de Montjoye. The former was out, but the latter was at home. She showed me a copy of a letter written to the Queen by one of her chaplain-bishops which was admirably consoling, and touched me greatly. The Queen is growing calmer upon this terrible question, the more so as a few weeks before his death, when the Duc d'Orléans was alone with his mother one day, he told her that she was wrong if she thought him indifferent upon religious matters and could be assured that his ideas in that respect had greatly changed.

The King has just received news from St. Petersburg from M. Périer. His despatch says that the Emperor Nicholas has assumed mourning without waiting for official notifications, and that he had sent Count Nesselrode to M. Périer with his condolences, telling him he was ordered to write a despatch to M. de Kisseleff, which the latter would convey to M. Guizot, containing the same compliments. Similar forms were observed upon the occasion of the death of the Duchess of Würtemberg. Apart from this no special notifications have passed between the two Courts. This breach of etiquette was begun by Russia at the time of the death of the Grand Duke Constantine, the first event of the kind since 1830, and one which the Russian Court did not notify 160 to ourselves according to the old forms adopted in such circumstances.

Jeurs, August 9, 1842.—I left Paris yesterday after lunch. The heat was great but it is cooler here. M. and Madame Mollien are as kind as ever, but I found him greatly changed.

Maintenon, August 11, 1842.—I arrived here yesterday in time for dinner, after leaving the good Molliens in the morning, who had showed me their invariable hospitality. Before my departure letters from Neuilly had reached Jeurs stating that the Royal Family would spend the month of September at the town of Eu.

There is an ancient celebrity here in the person of Madame Récamier, who cannot speak in consequence of a neuralgic affection in her face. She wears a perpetual smile which is somewhat wearying. M. Ampère, a distinguished professor and a great favourite of Madame Récamier who takes him about with her, is a witty and lively character, though with no distinction of manner. M. Brifaut, a pale member of the Academy and also a satellite of Madame Récamier, is here reading old tragedies of his own composition. There are also here M. de Vérac who is growing very deaf, and Madame de Janson, sister-in-law of the Bishop of Nancy and sister of the Duchesse de Noailles, intellectual and clever but shy and reserved.

Rochecotte, August 16, 1842.—I left Bonnétable the day before yesterday after the Sunday service and Tours yesterday after the mass of the Assumption, and lunched at the Prefect's house. I thought I should arrive roasted. I can never remember being so hot in my life.

I hear from Vienna that Prince Metternich has gone to Königwarth, that he has then to reach the banks of the Rhine at the same time as the King of Prussia, but that he is by no means well, looks ill and has grown very thin. Barante writes as follows: "I have some further details concerning the impression produced upon the Emperor by the death of the Duc d'Orléans. It was very keen. Horace Vernet, who arrived the other day from St. Petersburg and who was formerly on intimate terms with him, told me of some assertions 161 remarkable even from the political point of view. I am not greatly surprised at his narratives; at other times and on other occasions the Emperor has expressed himself in nearly the same terms, but he has adopted a position, established it by certain forms without any consequent inconvenience to himself and so will not change. However, he does not wish to aggravate matters, and a mutual return of ambassadors will be arranged."

Rochecotte, August 23, 1842.—The Regency law has been passed by an imposing majority. The peers will confirm it, and in this respect at least we can be at rest.

Rochecotte, August 25, 1842.—Yesterday I had a letter from Paris which seems to give a fair summary of the present position. "The debate upon the Regency was fine and also curious: M. de Lamartine went over to the Left in exasperation with the Conservatives who did not appoint him President; M. Thiers broke his ties with the Left, as he wishes to become a possible candidate; M. Odilon Barrot who had begun the same manœuvre, did not speak at the last moment for fear of losing his popularity with his party. The Legitimists took an inopportunely high tone and were trampled under foot. Such was the drama. It was performed for the benefit of the Ministry, which would have secured no advantage from this little session if it had followed the advice of M. Thiers, for in that case all would have passed off without a struggle. Instead of that he has been used to win battles for the Presidency and the Regency law. This is a first instalment of the real session which will begin with extreme vigour, but the Cabinet has always some chances of success, doubtless uncertain chances, for much depends upon the difficulty of forming another combination and the inclination of the Conservatives to unite against the Left. The attacks will be furious and severe; there is danger, but also hope."

Rochecotte, August 29, 1842.—I heard yesterday of your disembarkation [69] at Liverpool. Welcome to our old Europe which, in spite of its unpleasantnesses, is better than the New World.

162 I hear from Paris: "The Queen is pale, thin and despondent, but calm: she no longer struggles against her grief, and seems now to have accepted it as a necessary element in the whole of her life, though less poignant than it was; she can talk of other things. So I spoke to her of your tears and regrets, at which she cried, 'Oh, I know it and was sure of it: the King and my sister have been deeply touched by all that she has said to them and by the real sorrow she has shown; my poor boy had great confidence in her and was really one of her friends.' All this was said in a manner which you would have been glad to hear. The Duchesse d'Orléans has returned from Dreux, where she had insisted upon going before the journey to Eu. She seems to have had some inclination to settle at the Elysée with her children, but this idea was so definitely rejected that she did not propose it again. The million voted by the Chambers to the Prince Royal falls to the Comte de Paris: his mother, as guardian, has the use of it, while she has also her settlement of a hundred thousand crowns, so that during the minority she will be rich. She has made many minor reforms, but preserves her household of honour and is keeping up all the military household of the late Prince for her son. There is some fear that she may not be quite competent to manage her income: her husband used to settle all details of expenditure, to which she is not accustomed and which she does not understand. Now that the first outburst of grief is over, many little cliques are advancing their claims upon all sides; political intrigues, family jealousies and court rivalry are all obvious, and if the King does not interfere there will be an Orléans party and a Nemours party."

Rochecotte, August 31, 1842.—I have the following letter from Paris referring to the life of the Royal Family before their departure for the town of Eu: "The officers on duty do not enter their room or take meals with them: the King receives in the billiard room people who come to see him or to pay their respects; the Queen, Madame Adélaïde, Princesse Clémentine and the Duchesse de Nemours spend the evening in work at the round table. Now they have started for Eu, 163 and we must hope that the change will do them some good. The little Duc de Chartres gave rise to some anxiety for a short time. The Duchesse d'Orléans lives in some retirement with the Grand Duchesse of Mecklenburg."

Madame de Lieven after spending a week at Dieppe, was so bored that she came back hurriedly to her little Beauséjour, from whence she writes: "Thiers has definitely broken with the Left and is coming forward as the immediate successor to M. Guizot, a move which is not likely to please M. Molé. The Chambers will be convoked for January 9. There is no news concerning Pahlen or Barante. The whole of September will be spent at Eu and they will then return to Saint-Cloud. The Queen of England is taking her husband to Scotland to console him with grouse shooting for the fact that she would not allow him to go to the manœuvres on the Rhine. The journey will be made quite quietly, in fact too quietly. Lord Aberdeen accompanies her."

Rochecotte, September 8, 1842.—One of our friends who is now in England writes as follows from London: "I have seen one of our friends here, the excellent Dedel, the minister of the Low Countries who is sincerely attached to us. We talked a great deal together of past times, and he told me some curious details which may perhaps seem to you somewhat like ancient history but which appear to me to be not without interest. At the accession of Queen Victoria, even before the members of the diplomatic body had had time to receive new letters accrediting them, the Queen wished to see them at Kensington Palace. They were all introduced one by one by Lord Melbourne and Lord Palmerston. When the first three, namely Prince Esterhazy, General Sébastiani and Baron Bülow had been introduced, Lord Melbourne took them aside and said, 'Well, what do you think of my little queen? Is she not excellent? She is admirably well disposed to all foreign sovereigns and I can assure you that she will live in peace with every one. There is one, however, for whom she has an extraordinary hatred: it is childish and foolish and I hope that we shall overcome her antipathy, but she has a violent dislike for the King of the Low Countries.' 164 It is even more difficult, said Dedel, to imagine such language in the mouth of an English Prime Minister. He then went on to say that since Sir Robert Peel had been at the head of affairs, the Queen no longer interferes and leaves him entirely to himself. She had taken a keen interest in Lord Melbourne's Ministry, as the precarious condition of his Cabinet kept her in a continual state of excitement. Now she knows that nothing can shake Sir Robert Peel for a long time and her interest in state affairs is gone. This change has been unfortunate for Prince Albert, to whom she devotes her entire attention: she holds him in, does not give him a moment's freedom, and actually tyrannises over him; and the poor Prince sometimes finds it difficult to conceal his disgust and weariness of this treatment. The Queen, moreover, has retained some affection for Lord Melbourne who used to amuse her, and was the first to initiate her in affairs of state. Her hatred for the King of the Low Countries can be explained by the influence which the King of the Belgians long exerted over her, but the antipathy seems to have grown much weaker of late. Dedel says that the diplomatic body at London cuts a very poor figure now, that it has no social standing or consideration. The Russian Minister, Baron Brunnow, is an extremely clever man and a business man of high capacity: he is false to the point of trickery, a true Russian-Greek, and a dangerous person with whom to do business. Dedel admits that Brunnow's diplomatic success in London has been great. General kindness has been shown to M. and Madame Sainte-Aulaire; she is reputed courteous and he amusing. M. de Barante has made a good impression on those who have talked with him. On the whole, said Dedel, General Sébastiani was the most successful of the three ambassadors who followed M. de Talleyrand at London: his judgment was excellent; his early impressions in business were invariably good; his great disadvantage was his inability to develop his ideas clearly. He had a sound understanding of the Eastern problem and would have settled it suitably if he had been left at his post. M. Guizot committed constant mistakes at London and clearly showed his profound 165 ignorance of diplomacy: he thought himself at Paris where everything goes on by means of parliamentary intrigue, and attempted to detach Lord Holland, Lord Clarendon and Lord John Russell from Lord Palmerston, forgetting that the latter was the brother-in-law of Lord Melbourne, the ultimate master; he also tried to overthrow the Cabinet, a very imprudent and dangerous attempt for a Foreign Minister to make; he also tried to stir some Radical members of the House of Commons to rebel against Lord Palmerston, and was even so imprudent as to dine with them privately at the Star and Garter at Richmond. Lord Palmerston once said to Bülow, 'M. Guizot should be obliged to me for not making use of the evidence in my hands, which clearly shows his attempts and intrigues to overthrow the Cabinet; they are of such a nature that they would authorise the Queen's Government to hand him his passports.' The journey of Madame de Lieven to England also damaged Guizot's credit in a large degree. Lord Palmerston, who knew Madame de Lieven's hatred for himself, regarded her arrival as a further blow at himself, and his vengeance then knew no bounds. On the whole, France, the French and their Government have been in very bad repute in England for the last two years, and it is considered that the present French Embassy is not likely to bring about a change in feeling. The present English Cabinet which blames Lord Palmerston's conduct, thinks that it has taken every possible step since it has been in power to restore good feeling with France. The Cabinet recognises its failure with regret, but it has decided to do nothing more but to await results and to be in readiness for any eventuality.

"Affairs are going badly in Holland, where the House of Orange is becoming more and more unpopular. The old King is not forgiven for his rapacity, for the manner in which he has made money out of the country for the last twenty-five years, and further, for his marriage with a Belgian Catholic, while for two years he had condemned the country to support conditions that were at least as burdensome as war without any of its glory or profit, and all for the aggrandisement of 166 his own family. The new King is fickle, inconsiderate, and imprudent; people criticise him for throwing himself into the arms of France, which is a new and adventurous policy for Holland; he is also blamed for his obstinacy in maintaining an army upon a war footing which is ruinous to the country. The Budget remains at an enormous height: eighty million florins for a population of less than three millions. The nomination of Baron Heskern as Minister of the Low Countries at Vienna has caused a great scandal in Holland, and revived unpleasant reports."

Rochecotte, September 11, 1842.—Yesterday I had a letter from M. de Salvandy, of which the following is an extract: "Thiers has plunged in extraordinary style; apologies to the Government have been complete, and he has kissed hands. I should have thought him clever if he had been more dignified, but such things often happen. I do not think that he has thus opened a road for his immediate return to power, but by the mere fact that he seems to have done so, the advance becomes more difficult for any one else. One of the consequences of this great flattery is to make the King unmanageable. M. de Lamartine has never been anything more than a meteor; he writes to M. Villemain that he will form part of 'the great opposition': the only great thing about him will be his powerlessness and his fall."

I propose to start for Valençay in a few hours, and to spend a month with my son in fulfilment of a long-standing promise.

Valençay, September 24, 1842.—I have been deeply grieved to hear of the death of my poor and excellent cousin, Princesse Pierre d'Arenberg. Both she, her husband, and all that branch of my family have been very kind to me, and I am deeply attached to them all. The Sister of Charity who nursed Madame d'Arenberg heard her say immediately after receiving extreme unction, "Oh, God, Thy will be done!" I am convinced that she was fully aware of her danger during the last forty-eight hours of her life, and that she did not speak more clearly of her death from strength of mind, and because she would not deprive those about her of the 167 consolation of thinking that she was still under a delusion. She was one of the elect.

Valençay, September 27, 1842.—I did not know that the question of a marriage between the Prince de Joinville and one of the Brazilian Princesses had been discussed. I was under the impression that these Princesses could not leave Brazil unless their brother, the Emperor, who is not yet married, should have children. I am also astonished that the French Queen does not feel some misgivings concerning the breeding and education of these Princesses. Moreover, what reason is there for such extreme haste in marrying a young man who is a sailor by profession, and has three brothers and three nephews already? The only result will be a number of collateral branches which the division of inheritances and the increasing stinginess of the Chambers will reduce to poverty, so that they will soon become a burden upon the head of the family.

Valençay, October 5, 1842.—I have some reason to believe that Princess Marie of Baden is to marry the Marquis of Douglas; at any rate, the newspapers do not know the whole truth.

I shall leave here on the 15th, dine at Tours with the unfortunate d'Entraigues, who have just lost a daughter in very sad circumstances, and shall reach Rochecotte for the night. I prefer a long day's travelling to the fatigue and the cold of the inns at this time of year. M. Royer-Collard, whom I could not possibly have gone to see at Châteauvieux in consequence of the bad state of the roads, has been so kind as to come here; this attention at his age, and with his feeble health, has touched me deeply. He spoke to me of his domestic life, and of his nearest interests, and seems to care little about anything else.

Rochecotte, October 16, 1842.—I reached here yesterday evening to pass the night. There is always a special delight about home which is not to be found elsewhere. At the same time I am sorry to leave Valençay. They were most attentive to me, and the whole neighbourhood is always kind. I am very fond of my son and his society, and nowhere are remembrances so numerous and so powerful as at Valençay.

A surprising and wonderful event has taken place at Nice, 168 in which all the parties are known to me: their truth, their uprightness, their faith and enlightenment are incontestable. The eldest daughter of the Comte de Maistre [70] had been crippled for months by a twisted leg, and suffered desperate pain, screaming night and day; the doctors were in despair, and spoke of gangrene and amputation. She has just been entirely cured by ten minutes' fervent prayer in the presence of twelve people who were in the room, and to the knowledge of the whole town of Nice. The prayers were offered by Mlle. Nathalie de Komar, who has been a great mystic for some years. The cure is complete, and the malady was desperate. The young invalid is herself a saint, and intends to be a Sister of Charity. Such an event confuses and overwhelms the mind; it can neither be explained nor disputed under the circumstances which occurred. One can but be silent, and bow the head in adoration.

Rochecotte, October 17, 1842.—I am somewhat wearied by my journey of yesterday. The priest came to tell me that he had been awaiting my return to place the stations of the Cross in his church. One of the Grand Vicars of Tours had just arrived to perform the ceremony at which I was obliged to be present. It was pretty and touching but the procession especially was tiring: then the church is a long distance away; it is a bad road to drive and too long to walk and, in short, the whole affair left me exhausted.

I have heard from Pauline on the 8th from the villa Melzi and on the 10th from Milan. She is quite delighted by everything that she sees, astonished at the tasteful splendour of the villa and touched by the gracious and kind welcome of the family. I am delighted that my daughter should find this journey pleasant, as it has cost her a good deal to undertake it.

Rochecotte, October 19, 1842.—Yesterday I had a letter from Berlin which says that the ex-King of the Low Countries, the Count of Nassau, will very probably return to the Hague. It is thought that he will take his daughter with him, [71] as a 169 means of extricating her quietly from her false position with reference to her husband and the whole Court. She was allowed to appear at the marriage celebration of Princess Marie of Prussia with the Grand Prince of Bavaria, but her husband, Prince Albert, excused himself on the ground of illness, did not put in an appearance and declines to see his wife again. I know that Princess Marianne is regarded as flighty, but on my last journey to Berlin she was supposed to be on better terms with her very disagreeable husband. Something must, therefore, recently have happened.

Rochecotte, October 27, 1842.—At Berlin I had heard some mention, not of a huntsman of Prince Albert but of a Stallmeister or whipper-in who used to ride alone with the Princess on her excursions in Silesia, but I can hardly believe this story, though it seems to have gained ground.

Rochecotte, November 3, 1842.—English aristocracy is greatly disturbed by the story of Prince George of Cambridge and Lady Blanche Somerset. What will become of her? A daughter of a private individual, whatever his rank, could not marry a prince who might be called to the succession. [72]

It is said that Lady Harriet d'Orsay was so grieved by the death of the Duc d'Orléans that she turned for consolation to religion and she is to become a Catholic. Princess Belgiojoso is also in a great state of religious excitement, and as she is always devising some novel feat, she is wearing a nun's dress.

The Indian Prince who is in Paris [73] at the present time has been to the opera. He was taken behind the scenes where he was told that he would find the chorus girls very affable: when there he began to kiss them all with such vigour that 170 he had to be taken out by main force amid the general laughter of all present.

Rochecotte, November 4, 1842.—M. Bresson writes from Berlin to say that the re-union of the states and of the railways which now have termini in this capital, has largely increased the animation of the city. He also says Count Maltzan is very ill and that his life is in danger; he thinks Bülow the pleasantest Minister of Foreign Affairs with whom he has had to deal.

Rochecotte, November 12, 1842.—Madame de Lieven tells me that Lord Melbourne has had an attack which has left him very weak and ended his political career, which is a drawback for the Whigs. The marriage of Princess Marie of Baden is officially announced: her position will not be entirely agreeable to the English court which has resolved to treat her only as the Marchioness of Douglas. The poor Grand Duchess has negotiated the whole business with her usual carelessness.

I hear from Vienna that Prince Metternich is in feeble health and that he is no longer at home to the diplomatic body in the evening, as he spends his mornings only in business and avoids any excitement before going to bed.

Rochecotte, November 24, 1842.—The English seem to me to have a run of luck: they have successfully concluded their affairs in China and the United States; [74] are predominant in Spain and Portugal; have overcome all domestic disturbances and display a preponderant influence everywhere, which makes us ashamed of ourselves. We cannot even conclude a wretched little treaty with Belgium which will fall into the arms of Prussia.

CHAPTER III
1843

171 Rochecotte, February 21, 1843.—I have a letter from M. de Salvandy, breaking a long silence, which he explains as due to his political perplexities. He says that M. Guizot showed him very unworthy treatment but is now courting his favour upon the eve of a serious struggle, while M. Molé, on the other hand, thinks that his help may be useful, and has changed disdainful indifference for extreme attention. Salvandy himself is not anxious either to hurt the King by voting and speaking against M. Guizot, or to support an unpopular and incompetent Ministry. He thinks that the twenty votes which he can sway would be decisive in either direction. He seems to think that the Ministry is greatly compromised, and that even if it should emerge victorious from the struggle upon the secret service funds, it could hardly exist until the end of the session. Meanwhile M. Guizot is giving a monster rout to-morrow, followed by an Arabian Night's supper, to use the romantic expression of Madame de Meulan. [75] The struggle in the Chamber will begin next week, and is likely to be very keen. M. Molé is full of ardour and confidence; his party will include Marshal Vallé, MM. Passy, Dufaure, Dupin, Bignon (of Nantes), de Carné, Laplagne, Salvandy, and Admiral Mackau. M. Thiers declares that he will stand aside for the moment. Such is the gist of M. de Salvandy's letter, which is very long and very literary. I have translated it into ordinary prose.

I hear from Vienna that Frau von Reichenbach, wife of 172 the old Elector of Hesse Cassel, has just died and left a large fortune to her daughters, one of whom is a sister-in-law of Princess Metternich. The Flahauts have given two very fine balls, at one of which he attempted to waltz with Princess Paul Esterhazy, but as their strength respectively failed, they both fell at full length, apparently with ridiculous effect.

Rochecotte, February 23, 1843.—The leading articles in the Journal des Débats are becoming very attractive. It is a point of style to refer to the Intrigue as a person; to say the Intrigue does, or speaks, or wishes, or refuses so and so, which is amusing; but I can guess what it means; that M. Molé wishes, or refuses, or demands. It is really somewhat contemptible, and gives rise to actual anxiety, for nothing spoils theatrical effect so much as constant entrances and exits on the part of the actors.

M. d'Arenberg relates a somewhat amusing remark of M. Thiers. At a concert given by the Duchesse de Galliera, the Princesse de Lieven reproached M. Thiers for his want of attention; he told her that he would be more attentive when she had left the Ministry. Another saying of his is also quoted: he is said to have declared that his return to power was by no means a forthcoming event, and that he would wish it to be preceded by the presidency of the Chamber.

Rochecotte, February 25, 1843.—Yesterday I took from the library a volume of memoirs, entitled Memoirs of Gaston d'Orléans, attributed to one of the officers of his household, Aglay de Martignac. I found there this clever and witty observation by Gaston: "During a short stay that the King made at Paris, Monsieur met the Queen when she had just completed a nine days' fast in prayer that she might have children; he said to her in a jesting tone, 'Madame, you have been arousing the sympathy of your judges against myself; I will allow you to win your case if the King is sufficiently strong to secure your wishes.'"

Barante writes to say that the ambassador Pahlen is to go to Germany this summer, and that he would like to do the same, that he might see from this meeting what his chances 173 really are. He also says that the prospects of M. Guizot are somewhat doubtful; that the agitation set on foot by M. Molé has lowered his prestige and compromised him; that Thiers is manœuvring with renewed cleverness, and that falsehood is becoming so habitual with every one that the general spectacle is revolting and depressing.

Rochecotte, March 1, 1843.—Prince Pierre d'Arenberg, who has been here for two days, brought Madame de Ludre's book, [76] from which he read some chapters yesterday evening in the drawing-room. The poor woman has lost her way in the mazes of metaphysical hair-splitting, and has produced the most extraordinary and incomprehensible jumble that any one could conceive. The ideas of the book and the divisions of it are amazingly eccentric, nor has it any merits of style, and what the object of it may be no one can tell. By way of a rest after this reading we played at nonsense verses, and infantile as this amusement is, it is infinitely more reasonable and intellectual than the sublunary theology of Madame de Ludre.

Rochecotte, March 2, 1843.—I have come in from a long walk in incomparable weather; it is one of those days which help one to live and which are so enjoyable in the country and so rarely suspected at Paris. The advance of vegetation is surprising; all the shrubs are showing their opening leaves with the light and tender green of spring; the jonquils and narcissi are in flower, and we could strew the ground with violets. Why should I change all this for the mud and foggy atmosphere of Paris?

Paris, March 12, 1843.—I am again submerged in Paris, and have heard a considerable amount of news since my arrival. Here are some details which have at least the merit of being amusing. A lady who met the Duc de Noailles on the evening of the day when he made his speech concerning the right of visitation, complimented him, adding, "Unfortunately, M. le Duc, you are like the fowl which lays only one golden egg in the course of the year." The Marquise de 174 Caraman called upon the Duchesse de Poix on Tuesday when there were a number of people in the room; the Duchesse de Gramont called her over and asked her to sit down at her side, and said to her aloud, "Is it true, Madame, that you married Marshal Sébastiani?" Madame de Caraman immediately replied, calmly and in an equally loud voice, "I know that many people say so, but hitherto I have not met any one sufficiently tactless to ask me the question."

Paris, March 14, 1843.—It is said that the monument which is to be placed in the memorial chapel for the late Duc d'Orléans, is an admirable piece of work. It represents the poor young Prince at the moment of his death, in the dress that he was then wearing. The expression is beautiful and touching: above the head is placed the angel, the last work of Princesse Marie, the Prince's sister; the angel is placed as though to receive the Prince's soul and carry it to the skies, a beautiful idea which goes to the heart at once. A bas-relief represents the genius of France leaning upon an urn and weeping, with the national flag at its feet. Triqueti was commissioned with this fine work. The whole of the Royal Family went to see the monument: the Queen burst into sobs, the King nearly fainted and had to be taken out; the Duchesse d'Orléans wept much, but spoke for a long time to the artist who executed this beautiful work.

The Duc de Doudeauville, better known as the Vicomte Sosthène de La Rochefoucauld, has written a character portrait of Mlle. Rachel who does not seem to be satisfied. [77] He asked Madame Récamier to read it to her. She replied "I will ask M. de Chateaubriand." The latter said that it would weary him, to which Sosthène answered, "As you are so anxious to hear it, I will begin," and immediately read his composition without stopping.

Paris, March 16, 1843.—M. de Montrond asserts that the King told him that he did not wish M. Molé to be minister; he would prefer that M. Thiers would come to an agreement with M. Guizot and that they should act together. "Molé is entirely perfidious" the King is said to have declared, 175 "and could never act with any one, whereas Thiers and Guizot are made to co-operate. They have no reason for mutual reproach or envy, are both men of letters, distinguished historians, members of the Academy, &c.; in short they are made to act in agreement."

Paris, March 17, 1843.—M. Thiers dined the other day with M. Chaix d'Est-Ange, president of the corporation of barristers; MM. Odilon-Barrot, Sauzet, d'Argout, Berryer, Dupin, Martin du Nord, the guardian of the seals [78] and M. de Peyronnet, the former Minister of Charles X., were also there. M. Walewski was asked to guess in whose house so strange a meeting could have taken place, as most of the actors were members of the Intrigue, and said: "It could only be at the house of M. Molé." This incident took place in the salon of M. Thiers and gave rise to many remarks at M. Molé's expense and the poor figure he will cut after he is overthrown. [79]

Paris, March 18, 1843.—The King has shown himself greatly touched by the eulogy which M. Guizot delivered upon him in his last speech in the Chamber of Deputies, during the discussion upon the secret service fund. The same evening he wrote to M. Guizot that he would have come to thank him in person if he had not been prevented. The next day M. Guizot called upon the King at an early hour and the Queen came in with all the Royal Family, and many warm words of thanks were addressed to the triumphant Minister.

Paris, March 20, 1843.—M. Molé has declared that he will retire from politics and will have nothing more to do with them, as he is an unacceptable minister to the King. 176 He speaks of withdrawing into private life and devoting himself to the pleasures of friendship and of the intellect. Two months earlier this project would not have been undignified; to-day it seems to be dictated by spleen and will deceive no one.

The extreme calm of the Duchesse d'Orléans has caused some surprise, as also has the improvement in her health in the midst of her grief. She devotes herself ardently to the education of her children, makes this the chief object of her life and is not careful to hide the fact. The Queen, after a heartrending and passionate outburst of grief, has recovered her calm and the approaching marriage of Princesse Clémentine [80] is a useful means of diverting her attention. Princesse Clémentine is simply delighted, not so much because of her husband, who is said to be an ordinary and insignificant character, as with the idea of becoming independent, gaining full liberty and escaping from the round table in the family room at the Tuileries, which has been the despair of the King's children from all time. Princesse Clémentine is to be married immediately after Easter at Saint-Cloud. She will then start upon a tour to Lisbon, England, Brussels and Gotha, and return to Paris where she will live in the Tuileries. She is to receive an income of only sixty thousand francs, while the Prince her husband will have only a hundred and eight thousand, a very moderate income. The Duchesse de Nemours, a pretty and docile child, obedient to the Queen in all respects, is her special favourite. The Duc de Nemours is said to have relapsed into his taciturnity.

Paris, March 23, 1843.—At the Chamber of Deputies reference was made to the illness which had suddenly attacked M. Dupin the elder, and which was said to have especially affected his face; upon which words M. Thiers observed aloud with his usual imprudence, "It is a face much more suitable for another sort of stroke."

177 All who have to deal with the Tuileries seem to think that some clouds have already arisen between the Pavillon Marsan and the rest of the palace. [81] The Queen whom I have seen, told me with more surprise than satisfaction that the Duchesse d'Orléans was actually better than before her loss, which no one would have supposed she could survive. She added, "No doubt her love for her children has inspired her with so much courage." The Queen is pleased with her grandsons but regrets that they resemble the Weimar rather than the Orléans side of the family. She is also satisfied with the marriage of Princesse Clémentine, as it will be a weight off her mind, and says very reasonably that Princesse Clémentine is twenty-five years of age and can well judge for herself, while the religious aspect of the matter and the desire to secure a protector in future, make her ready to accept the marriage which the late Duc d'Orléans had arranged before his death with the King of the Belgians. The Queen further said that the chief establishment of the Princesse would be at Coburg but that she would travel a good deal and often come to Paris.

Paris, March 27, 1843.—It is widely said that the Duchesse d'Orléans shows the greatest preference for the Duchesse d'Elchingen, the wife of one of her aides-de-camp; they are bosom friends. Some one ventured to point out to the Duchesse d'Orléans that a preference of this kind, if unduly marked, might cause some ill-feeling in those about her and among the members of her household who were by their position her more natural intimates: she replied with some bitterness and with a touch of sentimentality which has been characterised as truly German, to the effect that every one is free to devote himself unreservedly to the pure enjoyment of a friendship based upon sympathy.

Though the Duchesse d'Orléans is legally the guardian and chief protector of her children, she is not to be left in full enjoyment of her rights. The King has to some extent appropriated the rights of guardian and leaves his daughter-in-law nothing but the user of the hundred thousand crowns of 178 her settlement which are assured to her by law. The income of the Comte de Paris goes through the King's hands, who pays all expenses and demands an account of everything. The same is true with regard to the Duc de Chartres, the second son.

It is also said that the Duchesse d'Orléans had some difficulty in realising that she was bound to live in complete retirement during the period of full mourning. She had been giving a large number of audiences. The King observed somewhat drily that she saw too many people for one in her position, and her door is therefore open only to members of her household. People also think that she has been a little too generous in giving away portraits of her husband and autographs; even M. Gentz de Bussy, the military intendant has been thus favoured. Those most deeply in her confidence declare when she is pitied that she has the highest and most important position in the country and is called to play a most exalted part, and she herself cherishes this idea.

Paris, March 30, 1843.—The Comte d'Argout was saying yesterday at the house of Madame de Boigne that the Abbé de Montesquiou, when Minister of the Interior in 1814, obliged the Council of State to resume the former dress and short cloaks: when these gentlemen were received by Louis XVIII. with the other bodies, their unusual costume aroused great curiosity and the soldiers who were present were especially surprised and said among themselves, "These must be the new clergy."

Paris, April 2, 1843.—At dinner with the Princesse de Lieven the other day there was much talk concerning the United States of America, and little to their credit was naturally said. On this subject M. de Barante recalled a saying of the late M. de Talleyrand, "Do not talk to me of a country where every one I saw wanted to sell me his dog." There was much pleasant conversation at this dinner which was very well assorted. The disaster of Guadeloupe [82] and 179 the comet were not the sole topics, as they are everywhere else: these subjects, however, had their turn and reference was made to an amusing caricature in which M. Arago, the chief of the Observatory is represented not as observing but as observed by the comet. [83] From the pleasant subject of M. de Noailles on Saint Cyr, [84] the conversation turned to Louis XIV., the Grande Mademoiselle and the collection of curious portraits existing at the castle of Eu. M. Guizot was glad to be able to tell us that he had slept on the ground floor in the room of M. de Lauzun and that he went upstairs to have an audience with the King by the same staircase which had conducted this insolent husband to the Princess, whose room the King now uses. What a coincidence.

Paris, April 3, 1843.—Yesterday I called upon Madame de Rambuteau at the Hotel de Ville. She was coming back from service at Notre Dame and had just heard the Abbé de Ravignan preaching against feminine luxury and the want of decency in feminine fashions. He used the word "low-cut" and in speaking of low-cut dresses, he went so far as to say "Where will they stop?" and asserted that excess in this direction was not even pretty. Father de Ravignan is by temperament grave, simple and austere and such expressions were regarded as particularly daring in his mouth. However, his criticism is only too true. Women are far too extravagant: our toilets are complicated by a thousand accessories, which double the expense without producing any better effect, and young women or those who wish to be fashionable, are hardly dressed. My late uncle M. de Talleyrand, when I began to take Pauline into society, advised me most seriously to respect the decencies of dress and said to me on this subject, expressing almost the same ideas as those of 180 M. de Ravignan, "If people show what is pretty, it is indecent, and if they show what is ugly, it is very ugly indeed." He also said of a very thin woman who disdained to wear the lightest gauze, "No one could disclose more and show less."

Paris, April 5, 1843.—Some one who ought to know told me yesterday that at the time of the coalition which discredited M. Guizot so greatly, his constant presence at the house of the Princesse de Lieven displeased and embarrassed the diplomatic body. Eventually Count Pahlen, the Russian ambassador, spoke to the Princess upon the subject in friendly terms and said that he and his colleagues would have to refrain from coming to her house in the evening if they were forced to meet M. Guizot there upon every occasion. She replied that she was so anxious to preserve her good relations with her ambassador that she would limit M. Guizot's visits. As a matter of fact she simply related to him her conversation with Count Pahlen and while assuring him of the value which she placed upon his friendship, she begged him to be less constant in his evening calls: M. Guizot replied with some bitterness, "As you please, madame, it is understood that I will see you no more in the evening until I become Minister of Foreign Affairs, when the diplomatic body will ask to be invited to your house in order that they may meet me." No prophecy could have been more exact.

Paris, April 14, 1843.—The day when General Baudrand, who had been appointed Governor to the Comte de Paris, came to pay his respects to the King, he made some modest observation concerning the weight of his responsibilities: the King interrupted him and said, "Make your mind easy, my dear general; it is understood that the governor of Paris is myself": I think that the Duchesse d'Orléans has been induced to agree to this choice because she too intends some day to say to poor General Baudrand, "I am the governor."

Yesterday evening at the house of Madame de Boigne, where I went with M. and Madame de Castellane, who have 181 returned from Rome, the conversation naturally turned upon Cardinal Consalvi, whom I knew very well. He was kind, keen-sighted, witty and agreeable as a man of the world; there was nothing clerical about him except his dress. The Chancellor [85] who was also with Madame de Boigne, related that when the whole weight of governmental responsibility rested upon the Cardinal at Rome, he still took pains to send out theatre tickets and to perform all the politenesses and duties of social life. At the Congress of Vienna where he was instructed to defend the interests of the Holy Chair and to obtain the restoration of the legations if possible, I heard him one day vigorously and cleverly advancing the rights of the Pope. M. de Talleyrand was discussing this question with him: after several arguments for and against, the Cardinal suddenly cried with inimitable Italian gesture and accent, "But why can you not give us a little territory here on earth; we will give you as much as you like in the world above"; with which words he raised his hands and his eyes to Heaven with wonderful energy.

Madame de Boigne, who is generally as reserved as she is restrained, went so far as to quote a somewhat frivolous remark which Pozzo had made to her at the time of the Queen of England's marriage. Madame de Boigne had asked Pozzo whom the Queen of England was to marry and he replied, "Another scion of royalty": thus he designated the Coburgs.

Paris, April 15, 1843.—Yesterday the Abbé Dupanloup preached upon the Agony, at Saint Roch, and showed much cleverness and emotional power, but his voice was somewhat too artificially modulated, he was at times wearisome and repeated himself, and the long passage about the mother's grief felt by the Virgin would have been more effective if it had been shortened by half. As he was almost speaking to the Queen, who was with the Princesses in a pew opposite the pulpit, he should have spared her some of the analysis of maternal grief and its horrors, which renewed the tortures of the poor Queen: she burst into tears, and some of those 182 present had the bad taste to rise in their places in order to see her weep.

The dress which Prince Augustus of Saxe Coburg is to wear upon his marriage day caused some perplexity, [86] but the King of Saxony, his cousin, solved the difficulty by at once appointing him a general.

Paris, April 16, 1843.—Dr. Cogny reminded me yesterday of M. de Talleyrand's reply to some one who had said before him that the wise man should live his life in secret: "I see no necessity for secrecy or for ostentation; a man should be simply what he is, without forethought or affectation." M. de Talleyrand was, in fact, so natural in every respect and laid such stress upon the truth in matters of life that I have constantly known him to say, to write and to repeat even by way of exclamation, as if he were replying to his own thoughts, "What a fine thing simplicity is."

M. de Barante, during his embassy at Turin, convinced himself that Matthioli, whom some historians have supposed to be the famous Iron Mask, died at Piedmont, and could not possibly be identified with that celebrated personage. Louis XVIII. was so curious concerning this mystery, the truth of which was ultimately known only to Louis XVI., that upon the very day when he saw his unhappy niece, the Duchesse d'Angoulême at Mitau, he questioned her to learn whether Louis XVI. before his death had entrusted her with this secret. The Princess replied that he had not. Louis XVIII. himself told this to the Duc Decazes. It is an incident which does more honour to his curiosity than to his good feeling. On this subject another point occurs to me which I have often heard related by my late uncle, M. de Talleyrand, who never quoted it without expressing his profound astonishment. When he was Minister of Foreign Affairs a courier came to him one evening bearing news which might have disturbed the equanimity of Louis XVIII.: he therefore postponed the communication of it to the King until the next morning, and coming before the King at an early hour, he said to him, "Sire, as I was afraid of spoiling 183 your Majesty's rest, I postponed bringing these papers until this morning." The King in surprise replied, "Nothing disturbs my sleep, as you may see from this instance: the most dreadful blow of my life was my brother's death; the courier who brought this dreadful news arrived at eight o'clock in the evening; for several hours I was quite overcome, but at midnight I went to bed and slept my usual eight hours."

Paris, April 20, 1843.—The different people in attendance upon the Duchesse d'Orléans yesterday received a letter from the Princess saying that the mourning for the Duc d'Orléans was too serious a matter to be interrupted by any incident, and that consequently no one in her service would be able to suspend his mourning for the marriage of Princesse Clémentine. The letter concluded with these words, "Such is my intention." Some people wish to regard this letter as a decided criticism of the fact that Princesse Clémentine's marriage is to be celebrated before the year of mourning for the Prince has expired. It is not the first instance which has shown a certain divergence between the Duchesse d'Orléans and the Royal Family.

Paris, April 22, 1843.—The Dowager Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg, the mother-in-law of the Duchesse d'Orléans, told a lady with whom she is on confidential terms and who repeated the remark to me, that she was greatly grieved at the restraint in which the King keeps the Duchesse d'Orléans in every respect. It is said that the Princess proposes to wear mourning for the rest of her life.

Paris, April 29, 1843.—Some months ago Princesse Belgiojoso produced a book which is rather pedantic than serious, entitled The Formation of Catholic Dogma. The work is simply a catalogue of the different heresies which appeared in the early centuries of Church history. It presupposes researches so long and arduous that it is difficult to think that a young society woman could have written it unaided: the style is simple and strong, and the book is clearly marked by want of orthodoxy; indeed it has already been placed upon the Index by Rome. There has been much 184 surmise as to who could have collaborated with the Princesse. M. Mignet and the Abbé Cœur, who are both intimate with her, have been mentioned. On this occasion some one in whose hearing reference was made to the book said, "It is a good instance of the saying, the style is the man."

The Duc de Coigny, knight of honour to the Duchesse d'Orléans, is a somewhat brusque and unpolished character: he had a small quarrel with the Princesse on the question of General Baudrand, as governor to the Comte de Paris, saying that it was hardly worth while to press forward a choice so poor and mean, and that people had expected the Duc de Broglie or some marshal or notable person. The Duchesse d'Orléans replied, "If the choice is a bad one, I alone am responsible for it, for I earnestly pressed it upon the King." The Duc de Coigny then became really angry, and asked an explanation of this preference. "What can you expect?" was the reply, "you know that we do not care to have about us people who are burdensome." M. de Coigny replied, "So your Royal Highness only wanted a man of straw? It is pitiable!" And the conversation then finished.

The Prince de la Moskowa, the eldest son of Marshal Ney, is a great musician, and conceived a plan for promoting a taste for sacred music at Paris; such music is strangely unknown and little appreciated. He has taken great trouble to gather a few amateurs, and attempts to arouse some interest in the association among certain ladies by asking them to become patronesses. I am one of the number. The day before yesterday the first performance took place in the salon of Hertz. The attempt was laudable but the result only moderately successful, notwithstanding the great talent of Madame de Sparre and another female voice. But in Paris people cannot sing austere and sacred numbers of religious music with due simplicity and gravity and without dramatic action. It is a new art in this country, and can only be acclimatised at the expense of time, but the attempt is none the less interesting. I told the Prince de la Moskowa that he ought to secure the support of the Paris priests, of whom I saw two in the room.

185 A sad accident has just happened to a family of my acquaintance. A young man of eighteen, Henri Lombard, the pride and joy of his parents, the honour of his school and beloved by his comrades, died on the 24th of this month after an illness of three days; the illness in question was hydrophobia. Last November he found one of his sporting dogs surly and depressed: the same day his hand was scratched by the animal's teeth, which died a short time afterwards of madness. His master, who was very fond of the animal, was so bold as to wipe away the foam from the dog's mouth while he was tied up, with his sponge: he afterwards washed out the sponge and used it as before; but he could not forget the scratch upon his hand of which he had not at first spoken; not until three months after the dog's death did he tell his old nurse that for several weeks he had been anxious and uneasy, but that lapse of time had entirely reassured him and that he now felt quite confident. A quiet and studious youth, he was by no means lively and communicative and spoke very little of his inner feelings: thus, no member of his family knew how assiduously he had followed for nearly a year the religious instructions given at Saint Louis d'Antin by M. Petetot, the clever and respected priest of that parish. Henri Lombard's parents were by no means accustomed to attend such exercises, and he had probably been afraid of displeasing them by displaying habits in contradiction with theirs. Such was the state of affairs on Friday, April 21, when he felt very ill, and experienced a marked repugnance to liquids; he immediately recognised the hopeless nature of his condition and begged M. Petetot to come and speak to him. He fulfilled all his religious duties not only with exemplary regularity but with such fervent faith and such remarkable resignation that the priest and all present were both astonished and edified. During the dreadful attacks of this horrible malady, in the terrible grip of the strait-waistcoat, covered with the disgusting foam of mania, racked by the disease, for which no remedy can even be tried, Henri Lombard thought only of heaven: the solemn parting of soul and body seemed to have taken 186 place even before the moment of death; the soul long buried in silent meditation was thus revealed and fled from its earthly bonds; it found language and expressions supernatural in character. When he was able to speak he exhorted every one with strange appropriateness and authority, especially his mother, whom he knew to be in the wrong towards a respected member of his family. He said to her with words of inspiration, "Mother, from my death-bed I send you to ask pardon and to repair the wrong you have done." When Madame Lombard returned to him he said, "I know you will weep over my grave and think you draw nearer to me in going to my tomb, and you will not know or feel that I am no longer there. You will not raise your eyes to the place where I shall be above. I shall be better off, for I shall be where I can intercede for you." The schoolboys who were boarders at the Hospice de la Charité, whom the uncle of Henri Lombard, M. Andral, had placed near him, and who did not leave until all was over, were so overcome by the scene that their agnostic ideas were entirely changed. M. Andral himself, though accustomed to the most heartrending sights, was depressed and consoled at the same time. The funeral of the youth was remarkable for the fact that it was attended by the whole of the school to which he belonged and by the general eulogy and regret which was expressed upon all sides.

Paris, April 30, 1843.—The charity bazaar for the benefit of the victims in the earthquake at Guadeloupe produced more than a hundred thousand francs net. Those of us who acted as saleswomen had a laborious but not uninteresting task; each of the lady patronesses had some small adventure to relate. The following was mine: A man of some age came and asked me the price of a little porcelain goblet. I replied, "Twenty francs." "Is it French porcelain?" "No, sir, it is Saxony porcelain from the Dresden factory." "From Dresden!" replied the gentleman, "I have unpleasant memories of Dresden, for I am an artillery officer, and during the wars of the Empire I blew up the bridge at Dresden, acting under orders from my superiors." "Well, sir, then 187 you do not know that you are speaking to a German lady?" "You will be generous, madame, and pardon wrongs committed in time of war." "Yes, sir, if you are generous to our poor people." "Give your orders, madame; I will buy anything you like, or at any rate anything I can, for I am not rich." With these words he emptied his purse upon the counter. It contained thirty francs. I was preparing to add a cigar-holder to the goblet when he asked me to give him something of my own make. I substituted some worked slippers for the cigar-holder. The officer took them and said to me very gracefully, "Madame, has peace been made?" "Certainly, sir, signed and ratified."

A provincial lady who came to our stall during the last three days of the sale told us upon the last day that she had been so touched and overcome by our zeal and by our polite and obliging energy that she asked us to accept a little souvenir. She then offered the Comtesse Mollien and myself, who were at the same stall, a pair of lace mittens. We thanked her in the name of the poor, as we thought she intended the lace work for our stall, but she clearly explained that it was for ourselves. She would not tell us her name, and with great difficulty we induced her to accept from us in memory of our stall a cup which we presented to her.

Paris, May 5, 1843.—Yesterday I called upon Queen Christina. She has intelligent eyes, beautiful skin, a cheerful smile, is pleasantly dimpled and is a ready talker with a slight accent that animates her every observation. She will discuss any subject without embarrassment. A free and easy life is her preference, and I think she is greatly relieved to be far from the throne and political business. The freedom and to some extent the obscurity of her life at Paris suit her to perfection. She has not a single lady-in-waiting, and the number of chamberlains about her are somewhat surprising. Only upon great and unavoidable occasions is Madame de Toreno requested to accompany the Queen. Muñoz is here: he lives quietly in the Queen's house, and is regarded as her husband. Their five children are being brought up at Grenoble. It is confidently stated that he is 188 a sensible man and that his influence over the Queen's mind is supreme. Though not so enormously fat as the Infanta Carlotta, the Queen is much too stout, and her deficiency in this respect is the more obvious as she will not wear stays; besides, she is short of stature. She spoke to me of her Spanish daughters, and said that Queen Isabella had a very dignified bearing, that she was a clever and decided character, entirely made for the difficult part which she is called on to play; that her health had been restored and that she was even strong and robust. She added that unfortunately those about her made no attempt to induce her to study, lest they should lose her favour, and she remained very ignorant. The Queen also told me that the news of her daughters that came to her was reliable, because she had other than official sources of information. She spoke a great deal of the late Duc d'Orléans with extreme regret, saying that his death was a loss not only to France, but even to Spain. "Not that the King," she added, "has been ill-disposed to Spain, but there was in the Prince Royal a youthful ardour and an enterprising spirit which would have been very useful to my daughter."

On the day when the Rouen railway was opened, while the Duc de Nemours was in the tent upon the platform, a lady and gentleman who were also travelling, attempted to come in. The official allowed the lady to pass while the gentleman stopped to talk with some one. When he wished to follow the lady, the official said to him, "You cannot pass here." "But I am a deputy." "No matter." "But you have allowed my wife to go through." "Very likely!" "But there she is, talking to the Prince." "All the more reason why you cannot go through." This answer, which was heard by several people, caused general delight.

The Duc de Nemours is taking every trouble to fulfil the responsibilities of his new position without omission, [87] but 189 this work is obviously an effort to him and he does not show the easy grace which distinguished his elder brother. He goes fairly regularly to the Chamber of Peers and even expresses very correct and reasonable opinions to his neighbours upon the questions before the House, but he speaks coldly and in an embarrassed style and as briefly as possible. Then he may be seen leaving the Chamber on foot and alone with a cigar in his mouth, and thus returning to the Tuileries.

Paris, May 10, 1843.—The Comte de Paris, though hardly five years old, has been definitely handed over to male guardianship. His tutor will sleep in his room. His nurse, however, will still look after him. The arrangement seems to be due to the King's wishes. The Duchesse d'Orléans is vexed by it. Since her widowhood she had not returned to her own bedroom and had slept in the nurse's bed in the room of the Comte de Paris.

Paris, May 12, 1843.—I had a long interview yesterday with the King. He spoke of Prussia, whither I am to make a journey, and expressed his dissatisfaction at the fact that the King of Prussia went to England last year and afterwards came to Neuchâtel, [88] but went along the whole frontier of France from Ostend to Bâle without touching French territory. However King Louis-Philippe had asked the King of Prussia to come by way of Compiègne where they would have met. The King of Prussia declined the invitation, replying that his shortest journey was through Belgium and that his time was fully engaged. It seems that His Prussian Majesty was anxious to avoid a meeting, even with the King of the Belgians, but as the latter had gone to Ostend for that purpose, he was obliged to give way. The greatest ill-feeling was caused by the remark of the King of 190 Prussia, in reply to some one who expressed his astonishment at His Majesty's refusal to travel through France: "What can you expect; we have promised not to offer any isolated act of politeness to King Louis-Philippe." The French King, deeply wounded, has since ordered his diplomatic officials to refuse passports to foreign princes who might wish to come to Paris incognito, in order to save himself the necessity of meeting them, as the Princes of Würtemberg have done and as the Grand Duke Michael of Russia was inclined to do. Orders have been given upon the frontiers to exercise the strictest supervision in this respect.

Madame Adélaïde seems to be quite in despair at the marriage of Princesse Clémentine which will not provide her with a brilliant position, while the Prince is a nonentity. Madame told me it was very embarrassing and "even worse than the Duke Alexander of Würtemberg." Madame and the King explained their consent to this marriage on the ground that it was impossible to refuse to a daughter aged twenty-six a marriage which was not absolutely unsuitable, when no other prospects were in view. Madame and the King are astonished at the delight which the Princess shows at the prospect of going to Coburg, after her first travels, for there she will find very few social resources, while her position as a Princess of Orléans and a Catholic may prove a source of trouble and embarrassment amid all the little Courts of Germany; but this young and amiable Princess is delighted by the prospect of change and novelty.

Paris, May 15, 1843.—Yesterday I had the honour to receive commissions from the Duchesse d'Orléans to be performed by me in Prussia. She is especially intimate with her cousin, the Princess of Prussia, whose distinction of mind and lofty character please all her intimate friends and deepen their attachment to her. The Duchesse d'Orléans seemed to me more despondent yesterday than she was the first time that I saw her after her widowhood had begun. She seems to feel more and more profoundly her cruel desolation. 191 Many circumstances have also contributed to embitter her temper for some time. She expresses herself in gentle and measured terms, but with less restraint. The departure of the Dowager Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg has left her very lonely, and I found her at one of those moments when the mind cannot suffice for itself, when the power of resistance is yielding, and when confidence became an imperative need. Relying upon my sympathy and my loyalty to the memory which she adores, the Princess threw off restraint and opened her heart in a manner which touched me profoundly. She spoke with bitterness, for which she was the first to reproach herself, of her feelings when the Duc de Nemours was obliged to perform in public those duties which the late Prince performed so admirably; the opening of a railway, a race meeting, or a public function of the kind, are so many wounds to her. She spoke naturally, with perfect choice of language. Her conversation was also deeply marked with religious feeling. She referred briefly to the marriage of Princesse Clémentine, and her impressions seemed to coincide with those of Madame Adélaïde. In short, I stayed two hours with the Duchesse d'Orléans, who seemed to find some relief in talking, an unusual pleasure for her, as her life is confined within somewhat narrow limits. She talks remarkably well, and shows a shrewdness of observation and a constant desire to please. Perhaps all this is too good to be true, and so I was somewhat relieved to see her lose her self-command for the first time. In order to admire her as she deserves, I was waiting for her emotion to become predominant, and I was not disappointed.

Paris, May 18, 1843.—Yesterday I met Father de Ravignan at the house of the Abbé Dupanloup. I was delighted by his noble face and the gentle gravity of his talk. The domination which he exerts in the pulpit disappears in conversation; he is grave and gentle, speaks slowly and in a low tone; the depth of his melancholy gaze is in consonance with a smile that is benevolent, but in no sense lively. He speaks of God with love, of man with forbearance, of the interests of the clergy with moderation, of the 192 triumph of religion with ardour, of himself with modesty, and of the situation in general with wisdom; in short, he inspires confidence and esteem. He hardly ever leaves Paris, and his chief task is now to keep together by constant efforts the young people whom he has attracted and gathered by his brilliant lectures; he hears confessions practically only from men, but they come to him in crowds, and last Easter Day the number of young men who were present at the Sacrament was prodigious. Twelve pupils from the Polytechnic School in uniform were observed. Two years ago a rosary was found in one of the corridors of the school: the pupils seized it, fastened it to the end of a pole, which they set up in the courtyard, and amid much laughter and mockery shouted, "Let us see if the loser of this rosary will dare to claim it." One of the pupils then advanced and said firmly, "The rosary is mine and I wish to have it back." He spoke with such simplicity and courage that no one replied to him by a light word. From that day several followed his example, and now there are a dozen openly professing Catholics in the school.

I am assured that the King has spoken with some vehemence against the Protestants and that he expressed his fear of them. The Duchesse d'Orléans, moved by prudence, diplomacy or conviction, has repeatedly said to the King since her widowhood began; "You may be certain, Sire, that I shall never become the female pope of the Protestants."

M. Guizot, who came this morning to say farewell to me, told me that the King would no longer be satisfied by the return of the Russian Ambassador to Paris; that he had resolved not to resume the equivocal relations with the Emperor Nicholas which had subsisted since 1830 and that an interchange of ambassadors would only take place if the Emperor wrote and addressed him as "brother." M. Guizot takes to himself the honour for the new step adopted by the King with reference to the European courts. He spoke to me at great length of the Duchesse d'Orléans and the tenor of his remarks which I believe to be correct, was as follows: he thinks her very clever, self-restrained, dignified, graceful 193 and a good manager; but she has a restless imagination, feels the need for action and the desire to produce an effect, while her judgment is sometimes ill-balanced; she has also a certain tinge of German affectation and a tendency to preciosity of language, while her liberal tendencies are due to her Protestant sympathies and her desire for popularity. As she feels herself cleverer than the Duc de Nemours and knows that he is not ambitious, she has no fear of him, but she is afraid of the King, who also mistrusts her mental attitude. Her relations with the Queen are by no means intimate and grow cooler every day. She is on better terms with Madame Adélaïde and has one friend in the family, the Prince de Joinville, who is truly an heroic nature, brilliant, undaunted, independent and bold, while he is very fond of his sister-in-law. The Duc d'Aumale, who is a capable and courageous soldier, is behaving excellently in Africa and showing every qualification for the position of Viceroy of Algeria which is in store for him. The Duc de Montpensier, perhaps the cleverest of the King's sons, is still very young and is of no account at present.

Clermont-en-Argonne, May 21, 1843.—My journey has passed off without accident, but the weather is damp and unpleasant and the country looks very dreary; however, from this point onwards, it is more diversified and wooded and corresponds to the description of the Argonne which I read at Baden some years ago. Travelling in a pretty country with some friend, in fine weather, with curiosity aroused and satisfied, may certainly be charming, but to be transported in a box on wheels without interest or attraction is the most foolish of all imaginable occupations.

Metz, May 22, 1843.—The church of Meaux is being restored and the houses about it are being pulled down. Had it not been for the damp and for a slight indisposition which I feel, I should have gone in: I have been anxious for so long a time to see the pulpit where Bossuet preached. I have finished the second volume of Walckenauer on Madame de Sévigné and prefer it to the first; it is cleverly written and the interest is well sustained; new information is given 194 upon a theme which seemed to be exhausted, information that has been collected with great trouble and is cleverly expounded. I gained a better understanding of the great trial of Fouquet from this book than from any other.

Saarbrück, May 23, 1843.—I am travelling terribly fast, am now beyond the French frontier and shall soon cross another frontier in the shape of the Rhine. Every stage that I pass saddens me and even a post painted black and white, or a brook is too much.

I have read the first half of the first volume of M. de Custine's work on Russia. [89] The preface is too metaphysical, though there is a passage on Protestantism and the so-called national and political churches which is clever and striking; further there is a faithful portrait of the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia. I was especially struck by two chapters composed of letters to the late Madame de Custine, the author's mother. A short account is given of this amiable woman's heroic life: she was one of my friends and I have deeply regretted her; in point of age she might have been my mother and retained very little of her beauty when I knew her, but she had great charm and every attractive quality. I have been constantly told that she was a great coquette and I daresay this statement is true; she was left a widow so young and was so pretty and so unguarded that such behaviour was natural and excusable. The same behaviour was attributed to her at the time when I knew her; the fact may have been true, but her manner was reserved and quiet, she spoke modestly and her appearance was absolutely respectable. I saw her die without a murmur; in consequence, I am favourably, even indulgently disposed towards M. de Custine and his books, which are always clever, sometimes talented, and are very true when he writes of Russia. I do not think, however, that he should publish so much truth when gratitude should order him to be silent, but men of letters will do anything. They are a class of whom I think very little.

195 Mannheim, May 24, 1843.—My slight indisposition makes me annoyed with everything I do. M. de Custine's book is the only thing which seems to suit me; in spite of the affectation of the style and the brilliancy which is obvious even where it rather diminishes than heightens the effect, and a constant attempt at display, the book amuses and interests me. I do not know enough of the places or the facts to check the accuracy of the narrative or descriptions, but by tradition or from my Russian acquaintances I am well enough informed to consider the resemblances perfect. His story, for instance of the thousands of workmen who were sacrificed in order to rebuild the Imperial Winter Palace at St. Petersburg with undue rapidity, was related to me at Berlin. The plague of vermin at St. Petersburg, especially of bugs, was also well known to me and the following instance was told me by the Prince of Prussia at the marriage of his niece: [90] he said that the newly built palace was dried by excessive artificial heat and was so infested with vermin that the bride was devoured the first night that she slept there and was obliged to appear at the entertainments covered with red marks. She changed her rooms the next day, but I am assured that the plague was very general, and that the best-kept houses are not exempt from it. This is to be explained by the superheating and the way in which houses are hermetically sealed for nine months in the year.

The following message reached me from the Grand Duchess Stephanie and is very characteristic of her. It was a kind and even tender note in which she told me that she would call at ten o'clock and bring me back to lunch with her at eleven, after a drive to take advantage of the fine weather; and this though she knew that since Metz I have been in the open air without a break. However, one must take people as they are and I should not care to show reluctance for the single day that I am here. Further, the weather is really very fine.

196 Mannheim, May 25, 1843.—The Grand Duchess came for me yesterday morning at ten o'clock. I found her much older and depressed. The same people are with her; old Walsch, clever and tactless, who appears in the evening, the Baroness Sturmfeder who gives a good appearance to the household, the excellent little Kageneck, the modest Schreckenstein and the old almoner. At dinner there were also Prince Charles of Solms, son-in-law of the Queen of Hanover and a Count Herding, of whom I have nothing to say. I was overwhelmed with questions but I also allowed myself to ask a few. Princess Marie, or rather the Marchioness of Douglas is travelling in Italy and is deeply in love with her handsome husband who appears to answer all her wishes. I had full details of the wedding, the presents, the splendour of it and the settlements, etc. It was all very magnificent. The couple are soon to come this way on their road to England and Scotland. Princess Marie is thought to be with child. Lord Douglas took her from Venice to Goritz, where she was very kindly received by the illustrious exiles: while there she wrote to her mother saying that the Duc de Bordeaux has a handsome face and is a pleasant talker, but his figure is terribly heavy and he limps a great deal. Mademoiselle, though very attractive, was too small and lacking in distinction. The Grand Duchess will shortly pay a visit to her daughter, Princess Wasa, who is living in the castle of Eichorn, two leagues from Brünn in Moravia. Prince Wasa insists upon a divorce: the Princess will not consent and the Grand Duchess, who has every reason to fear a trial, wishes to induce her daughter not to run the risk and to come back to Mannhein here, though she is not personally enchanted with the prospect, as she fears the unbalanced and troublesome character of her daughter Louise. Prince Wasa has behaved very rudely to his mother-in-law and is, moreover, almost ruined. All this is a great anxiety to the Grand Duchess. She has given up the castle of Baden to the Grand Duke and bought his town house which she proposes to enlarge, to decorate and to beautify generally.

197 Cologne, May 26, 1843.—I embarked this morning at Mayence where I arrived yesterday morning in fine sun-light but also in a violent wind. Rain and hail soon alternated with the hurricane and the waves of the Rhine rose and became unpleasantly maritime in character. The Grand Duchess Stephanie told me that she thought the reputation of the Rhine scenery exaggerated, and I am inclined to agree with her. The river is beautiful and magnificently framed: the villages, the churches, and the ruins surround it with historical recollections, it is true, but the lack of vegetation gives an unpleasant aridity to the country; however, the journey is interesting and even poetical if anybody is so minded. The castle of Stolzenfels, as seen from the boat, is pretty but by no means grandiose; this is a castle which the King of Prussia has just restored and enlarged so that he was able to stay there with sixty people on his last visit; the interior is said to be charming and to command an excellent view. As for Rheinstein which Prince Frederick has laid out, it is quite a small place: it can only be approached on horseback, whereas it is possible to drive up to Stolzenfels. The several communes which owned old ruined castles on the Rhine have presented them to different princes of the house of Prussia: thus, apart from Stolzenfels, which belongs to the King, and Rheinstein, which belongs to Prince Frederick, the Prince of Prussia has received a castle, as also has Prince Charles, and even the Queen has her own. They are all on the left bank and the King has ordered the new owners to restore them and make them habitable. The castle of Hornbach, where Young Germany held its revolutionary meetings, before the establishment of the Commission of Mayence, is on the right bank and in the Bavarian states: the King of Bavaria has just presented it to his son, the Prince Royal; he has changed its name and it is now called Maxburg.

I made some progress to-day with the second volume of M. de Custine. He reports conversations which he had with the Emperor and Empress, which are graceful and lively, but were inspired by the idea that they would be printed. As I read all these I wondered if a traveller who owes his 198 magnificent entertainment to the fear of his judgment as an author, to the desire that he may show his hosts kindness in his book, and avoid any partiality in his descriptions, is bound by the same degree of gratitude as the traveller who is well treated from disinterested motives, merely because his character happens to please. I admit that my judgment in this respect wavers a little and though in any case I should think a delicate discretion preferable, I cannot help finding some excuse for a man who thinks himself less entirely bound by interested politeness than he would be by spontaneous kindness. In any case the imperial conversations are described in a sufficiently laudatory style: the most unfettered and critical mind is always more or less influenced by marks of condescension from a crown. None the less this work will cause profound dissatisfaction in Russia and the welcome given to travellers will certainly be colder and more reserved.

Iserlohn, May 27, 1843.—I left Cologne this morning without regretting the inn of Rheinsberg. All these inns on the banks of the Rhine are nicely situated. They contain furniture of inlaid wood, and stuffed sofas with pretty coverings; but their proximity to the water and their exposed position make them very cold. The want of fireplaces is displeasing, as wind and damp have an easier entrance owing to the lack of shutters and blinds. In the month of May the double windows have been removed, and I really regret them. Daylight, which arrives before four o'clock, and cannot be excluded, leads to untimely waking, and is an inconvenience at which I grumbled the more as the noise of forty-five steamboats, the bells which announced their departure and the clatter of the stokers, make an uproar which lasts for nearly twenty-four hours; then there is the noise made by people coming and going in the inn, and the combination is enough to make one ill. Had it not been for the rain, I should have gone this morning to the Cathedral to see how far our subscriptions—for I have also subscribed—have advanced the work upon this fine monument during the last three years; but the weather was so bad, and I felt so worn out by the most execrable little German bed in all its Teutonic purity, 199 that I had no courage to get wet in order to satisfy my curiosity, and re-entered my carriage in a bad temper.

Cassel, May 28, 1843.—It rained hard all last night, and is raining still. The outlook is melancholy and depressing. To-day I am going to Göttingen, to-morrow to Brunswick, and the day after to-morrow to Harbke. I shall be interested to see Brunswick, which I do not know, and Göttingen, whose turbulent students and liberal professors have so often roused the wrath of the King of Hanover.

I am still immersed in M. de Custine. In the third volume there is a letter concerning Princess Trubetzkoi, [91] who followed her husband to the mines of Siberia with noble devotion. The effects are so striking that no rhetoric is required to make them impressive. Conscious of this fact, the author has increased the impressiveness of this terrible drama in its last phase by simplifying his style. The scene which concludes this unusual story of misfortune moved me deeply. In my youth I heard many stories of Siberia from my father, and for that reason, I suppose, I feel a keen sympathy with the unfortunate wretches who are there buried alive.

Brunswick, May 29, 1843.—Nothing but rain with occasional bursts of hail, and by way of diversion a miserable ray of sunlight which steals shamefully forth to announce a new storm. Brunswick is an old and rather ugly town, with large and gloomy houses, an old church in full Gothic style, and a town hall even more Gothic. It is a great relief to find something really old after a succession of little capitals rebuilt without character or historical memory, with their tawdry modern ornamentation. I noticed a magnificent breed of 200 post horses and draught and military horses; they are splendid, strong and vigorous animals; I do not know whether the district produces them or if they are brought from Mecklenburg.

When any one's memory is as full of your stories of the United States as mine is, [92] and when one reads the stories of M. de Custine concerning Russia, it is difficult to say which of the two countries seems the more objectionable, as their bad points are so precisely in contradiction; but with regard to the Russians, I think I forgot to tell you an incident which might very well find a place in M. de Custine's quotations. When I was recently in Paris for the last time, I called upon my niece, Madame de Lazareff, to say good-bye. She said to me, "You have quite an imperial countenance this morning, aunt." I did not understand, and told her so. "Oh," she replied, "at St. Petersburg, when any one looks particularly well, that is what we say." Is not that excellent?

Harbke, May 31, 1843.—I left Brunswick yesterday morning, but the journey here took a great deal of time, and caused me many screams of terror. To begin with, even the highroads in the Duchy of Brunswick are far from admirable, while Harbke is at the end of a horrible cross-road. The terrible rains of the last few days have ruined the roads to such an extent that I really thought we should stick fast. When I arrived, I found the poor old master of the house [93] ill, and his wife in great anxiety. I was anxious to start again at once in order not to embarrass them at such a time, but neither Frau von Veltheim nor the invalid himself would hear of this plan; so I shall start to-morrow very early, and reach Berlin, if God wills, in the evening.

This place is very well arranged for a German château. It is of considerable extent, and would have some style if the old building had not been modernised instead of being left as it was. The garden is well kept and adjoins beautiful woods. The mistress of the house has no children, and is devoted to flowers and birds, even to some noisy cockatoos; she is scrupulously neat, and is aged sixty-two: a tall, thin, pale figure, she is 201 always dressed in white muslin: and her lace caps and her shawls, all tied with white ribbons, give her a somewhat ghostly appearance. The Veltheim family is most noble and ancient, and the members are well aware of the fact; she is a Bülow. Count Veltheim's first wife, from whom he is divorced, is now Countess Putbus, the mother of Countess Lottum, and of the young Putbus who died at Carlsruhe. The Veltheims are very wealthy, and a certain note of opulence prevails in the house where, however, the useful and the agreeable are in very close conjunction. There is no view, as the castle is built in a hollow and overlooked by wooded hills. From the top of one of these hills the Hartz mountains can be seen distinctly on the horizon, while the Brocken, where Goethe placed the supernatural scenes of Faust, stands out very clearly.

Magdeburg, June 1, 1843.—A most annoying incident has just happened; I have missed the train for Berlin which I hoped to reach this evening, and I ought to be very satisfied that I have got so far safe and sound; to cover thirteen leagues, the distance from Harbke to this town, I was obliged to spend ten hours on the road. The continuous deluge of the last few days and the waterspouts which have burst over the country, have devastated everything, swollen the streams, carried away the dykes, swept away earth, &c. Nothing can describe my anxiety.

Berlin, June 2, 1843.—At length I have reached the first halting-place on my long and tiresome journey. I have arrived literally at the end of my resources, with a ragged dress, reduced to my last crown and so exhausted that I feel as if I had spinal curvature. The railway from Magdeburg here is very well managed and the journey is accomplished in eight hours, though the line is not direct, as the railway passes through Dessau and Wittenberg. I did as I have done on board the steamers and remained in my own carriage: this seemed to me the most suitable plan, as I had no male companion and a very mixed number of people were travelling.

Berlin, June 3, 1843.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes to say that Princesse Clémentine went to Brest to embark for 202 Lisbon and Brittany where she was excellently received; while good news has arrived from the Prince de Joinville and the Duc d'Aumale is distinguishing himself in Algeria. The Duchesse de Montmorency tells me of an extraordinary incident: Madame de Dolomieu has sold for thirty-five thousand francs certain autograph letters by living writers in which there are some that could only be circulated with unpleasant consequences. The King of France bought back his letters for twenty-five thousand francs. Really impudence at the present time knows no bounds! General Fagel forced Madame de Dolomieu to buy back for eight hundred francs a letter from the King of the Low Countries which he had given her and which she had sold with the collection.

The author of the tragedy of Lucrèce, M. Ponsard, and the author of the tragedy of Judith, Madame Emile de Girardin, whose plays have met with such different receptions, came across one another at the house of the Duchesse de Gramont. Madame de Girardin was bursting with rage, in a manner said to be absolutely grotesque.

Berlin, June 4, 1843.—Yesterday I saw the Countess of Reede. The old and agreeable lady, who always treats me as her daughter, received me with open arms and soon put me in possession of all current news. She is at the head of the faction hostile to Princesse Albert, who has gone to Silesia. Her position here is abominable, and though the King has so far supported her as not to allow his son to divorce her, the Princess feels herself entirely out of place in society and at the Court.

I went to tea with the Princess of Prussia. Her husband was there and has grown stout, and I am sorry to see how she has changed, as the beauty of which I thought so much has disappeared. As she is young and strong, I hope that her freshness will return.

Berlin, June 5, 1843.—Yesterday was a day of hard work. First came Sunday mass; then I went home for a long business talk with Herr von Wurmb and Herr von Wolff, and then went to Madame de Perponcher, and then to the Werthers; they are to see their son again to-day who is 203 Prussian Minister at Berne. I then called upon Lady Westmoreland, who had just heard that one of her sons, whom she had left in England, was seriously ill. Finally, I went to the Radziwills.

I dined with the Princess of Prussia. The other guests were the Prince and Princess William, the uncle and aunt, their son who has come back from Brazil, the Werthers, Countess Neale, the Radziwills, Prince Pückler-Muskau, and Max von Hatzfeldt. It was a fine and splendid dinner in the prettiest palace in the world, but the stormy weather made every one ill. I did not know Prince Pückler, who has been able to recover favour at Court, [94] at any rate to some extent, in the following way: The Prince of Prussia was anxious to improve his park at Babelsberg in Potsdam, and told his gardener to write to the gardener of Muskau, requesting him to obtain a few weeks leave from his master to come and lay out the garden of Babelsberg. The Prince of Prussia then received a letter from Prince Pückler, telling him that the real gardener of Muskau was himself, and that he was starting forthwith for Babelsberg for a consultation with the Prince's gardener. When he arrived he undertook the whole of the gardener's business and began to lay out walks, clumps of trees, &c. Some days afterwards the Prince of Prussia found him hard at work, and naturally thanked him, asked him to dinner, and now he has become quite the fashion. He told me that he was starting to-day for Muskau, asked me to pay a visit to his park when I was at Sagan, and offered his help in laying out the park of Sagan.

M. and Madame Bresson called for me later on and took me to the opera, where Robert le Diable was performed, and conducted by Meyerbeer himself. The performance was excellent, but the heat was frightful. Many people came into our box, including Maurice Esterhazy, who seemed to me somewhat depressed.

204 Berlin, June 6, 1843.—I have had a call from Humboldt, who said that two years hence there would be a national representative assembly sitting at Berlin, that it would be at first consultative and afterwards deliberative.

I am struck by the animation of Berlin since it has become a railway centre. The population has increased by fifty thousand people and the development of manufacture and luxury is very marked. The following is a curious little anecdote: Upon the death of the Duc d'Orléans the Empress of Russia and the Prince of Prussia, who were at St. Petersburg, attempted to persuade the Emperor to take the opportunity of writing directly to King Louis-Philippe; he refused, but told the Empress that he would authorise her to write to the Duchesse d'Orléans. The two Princesses had known one another formerly in Germany, and were on such intimate terms as to speak in the second person singular; the Empress wrote in German, using this form; she received a somewhat cold answer in French from which it was absent. The Empress was much hurt, and complained to her aunt, the Princess William of Prussia, sister of the Dowager Grand Duchess of Mecklenburg; the Empress asserts that it is very rude to reply in another language than that used by the first correspondent, and that if the Duchesse d'Orléans thought it her duty to use only the language of her children's country, she, the Empress, would do the same next time and would write in Russian.

I have seen M. Bresson, who told me that recently, in a club at St. Petersburg, the Emperor spoke to the French Chargé d'Affaires, and asked, "When is M. Barante coming back?"

I dined with the Wolffs. There were also present, Count Alvensleben, Finance Minister; Herr von Olfers, Director of the Museum; Huden, the Councillor of State; and Barry, who is the first doctor in Berlin after Schönlein. I then went to Lady Westmoreland, whom I found very old and much changed, but witty and pleasant as ever. She told me that Lord Jersey was inconsolable on account of Sarah's marriage with Nicholas Esterhazy, who, however, is happy so far. Old Lord Westmoreland has treated his son as badly 205 as possible in his will, and Lady Georgina Fane, far from showing her brother any kindness, as has been said, insisted upon the prompt execution of the will with such severity that the Westmorelands would be in serious difficulty were it not for their post in Berlin. When I left Lady Westmoreland I called on Countess Neale, one of my oldest acquaintances in this world; I found her alone, and we spent a long time talking of our young days.

Berlin, June 9, 1843.—Yesterday I dined with the Princess of Prussia; she is really a very interesting character, and her regular kindness to myself and her increasing confidence, make me ever more attached to herself and her fortunes. I am anxious for her health, and I fear that she is right in regarding it as seriously affected. There was a numerous company at her dinner: Princess Charles, her sister; my two nephews Biron; the Prince of Wurtemberg, the youngest of the brothers of the Grand Duchess Helena; the latter told me that the Grand Duke Michael was shortly to reach Marienbad, and from thence would go to England. The King of Hanover was taken ill in the course of his journey to England, and was unable to reach London for the baptism; he is said to be in a very bad state and overcome with the idea, which is probably correct, that he is going to die. This notion has taken a strong hold of his mind, as a prophecy was made to him that he would die in the year in which his son was married.

Berlin, June 11, 1843.—Yesterday I went to Charlottenburg to visit the mausoleum of the late king, by the side of the late queen's tomb. The chapel has been enlarged, but the general effect is lost and I was not pleased, although the altar of black and white marble is one of the prettiest things I have ever seen. The walls are covered with Bible texts which the present King himself chose, painted in golden letters upon sky-blue scrolls; the effect is somewhat Moorish; the general appearance is by no means Christian. Protestant architecture is certainly dry both in outward form, in its general worship, and in the essence of its mutable doctrines.

206 Berlin, June 14, 1843.—Yesterday, after dining by the chair of the Countess of Reede, her daughter, Madame de Perponcher, took me round the grand rooms in the castle to show me the Rittersaal which the King has just restored. Some curious portraits and some furniture dating from the Great Elector give a certain interest to these rooms though upon the whole they are very moderate. We left the Countess to go to the German Comedy Theatre where we saw an excellent performance of Mademoiselle de Belle-Isle, [95] for translations from the French stage are continually played in Germany.

A historical novel has just appeared which is quite the rage here, called The Moor, [96] and deals with the period of Gustavus III. The author, who has been many years in Sweden, had access to the archives of the realm, and the documents which he quotes are authentic. People here say that a negro actually lived at the court of Queen Ulrica and that most of the characters and incidents of the novel are true. I am reading it with much interest; as I knew the Baron of Arnfelt in my youth (in fact, he taught me to read) I am particularly interested in anything relating to him. M. de Talleyrand also spoke to me often of Gustavus III., of whom he saw a great deal at the time of his second visit to Paris when he was returning from Rome. The King of Sweden at that time had gained the ear of the Pope to such an extent that he thought he could easily obtain the cardinal's hat for one of his friends. He suggested that M. de Talleyrand should present his request, but the favour was declined, as the equivocal reputation of Gustavus III. would have given the request an unpleasant colouring. [97] At 207 the same time the Princesse de Carignan, [98] the grandmother of the present King of Sardinia, who was strongly attracted by M. de Talleyrand (at that time he was Abbé of Périgord, before he became Bishop of Autun), thought herself also sufficiently influential at Rome to secure the necessary dispensations which would have enabled my uncle to marry her if he became a layman. M. de Talleyrand has often told me as one of the strangest incidents of his life that he was thus simultaneously involved in two contradictory projects, both requiring the sanction of the court of Rome; he also told me that Gustavus III. was a very clever and agreeable character.

Berlin, June 15, 1843.—M. de Talleyrand arrived here the day before yesterday. We dined at the house of the Radziwills with M. Bresson who told me of the marriage of the Prince de Joinville. He is marrying a Brazilian princess who is pretty and lovable with a dowry of four million francs.

We spent the rest of the evening with the Princess of Prussia who was alone with her husband. I am sorry to think that this kind Princess will not be here on my return on the 23rd: she is starting for Weimar on the 20th and is to spend the summer with her mother. I feel very anxious about her health and spirits which are greatly depressed.

Berlin, June 16, 1843.—Yesterday I went with the Countess Neale to Potsdam by railway, to dine at Glienicke with Princess Charles of Prussia. The weather was rather cold but dry and clear. Prince Adalbert of Prussia who has just come back from Brazil was also there. He had seen the Princesse de Joinville at Rio de Janeiro and spoke of her as very pretty and pleasant; for the sake of the young Prince I am delighted.

In the evening I saw Madame Chreptowitz, née Nesselrode, who is coming from St. Petersburg on her way to Naples where her husband has been appointed Chargé d'Affaires. 208 She says that M. de Custine's book is quite the rage at St. Petersburg, and rage is the correct term, for the book rouses the Russians to fearful wrath. They assert that it is full of falsehoods. The Emperor reads it attentively, speaks of it disdainfully, and is really disgusted with it. An amusing incident in reference to this subject, is the statement of Madame de Meyendorff, the wife of the Russian minister at Berlin, who loudly declares that the book is as true as it is amusing and says she hopes that it will teach the Russians to be less conceited.

Herr von Liebermann, Prussian Minister at St. Petersburg, who is also here on his way to Carlsbad, told me yesterday that his health and spirits had suffered severely at St. Petersburg and that he would be dead if he had not obtained leave of absence. The fact is that he looks very ill, in spite of his bloated appearance, and seems to be quite disgusted with Russia.

The King of Denmark has announced that he will visit the King of Prussia in the island of Rügen.

Sagan, June 17, 1843.—I arrived here this morning. I am staying in a pretty house opposite the castle where my father's chief agent used to live. I found a courier there who had come over from Muskau, asking me to go there and meet the Prince of Prussia. I shall therefore return to Berlin by way of Muskau and spend a day there.

In company with Herr von Wolff I drove round part of my new acquisition, including the forest, and was delighted by the stags and roe deer which came round the carriage.

Sagan, June 19, 1843.—Yesterday was Sunday and I went to high mass in a very pretty church in the town. The service was choral and was very tolerably performed. Then I went to the castle to examine the books and other objects which, however, are by no means valuable and which I have bought with the rest of the fief. This transaction somewhat confuses my position towards my nephew the Prince of Hohenzollern, and produces a very disagreeable mixture of meum and tuum, which I shall bring to an end as soon as possible.

209 This morning I went to the little church where my sister is buried and had mass said on her behalf. I explained to an architect the restoration which I desired to make in this church. On leaving it I paid a visit to the schools, the shelters and the factories. I then returned to dinner with the officers of the artillery battery and garrison here; they had invited the Prefect and several other persons from the town.

Muskau, June 20, 1843.—I could write a long account of this household and can say at once that it has an individuality of its own. I left Sagan this morning at about nine o'clock and arrived here at one o'clock. The road is not bad, though near Muskau a sea of sand begins which reduces speed almost to the point of immobility. It is therefore a double surprise to drive through the freshest and greenest of parks, as full of flowers and as carefully tended as can be imagined. It is quite like England, with all its care and comfort expended both without and within the castle. A very noble flight of stairs bordered by fine orange-trees leads to the castle court which would be modern in style if it were not for the towers crowned by belfries, which give it an imposing aspect not to be found in modern edifices. At the foot of the stairs I found Prince Pückler surrounded by footmen, lacqueys, Arabs and negroes, a very strange and motley troop. He immediately conducted me to my room which is most luxurious; a sitting-room full of flowers, a bedroom draped with white muslin, and a dressing-room in a tower; even my servants say they have never been so well lodged. The Prince of Prussia has been detained at Berlin on business and will not arrive until to-morrow. Princess Carolath, step-daughter of Prince Pückler, came to apologise for the absence of her mother, Princess Pückler, who was not quite well and had not yet finished dressing. Shortly afterwards she came in: she is very pleasant, extremely distinguished and talks most admirably upon every subject.

Among the strange inhabitants of this castle is a very tiny little dwarf, [99] no taller than a child of four, perfectly 210 proportioned and dressed as a Pole. He is nineteen years of age and is much petted and dressed up; he seems happy, though he made a very sad impression on me.

Muskau, June 21, 1843.—The close of yesterday was spoilt by a cold, sharp and gusty wind which suddenly arose to sadden the country and freeze poor mortal frames after three days warm weather. After dinner I looked over the rest of the house. Everything is very nice, though the proportions within are by no means upon a vast scale: flowers have been very artistically used for decoration and give a special beauty to the rooms; the Princess's room resembles a hothouse and an aviary at the same time. I was especially struck by a portrait of the Prince fastened to the Princess's desk round which laurel branches were artistically placed: they belong to two laurels which stand in pots on either side of the desk; a little vase of forget-me-nots was placed between the portrait and the writing pad. This is one of the thousand details in this union which was broken off and restored and which is quite unparalleled; for though in society one may often meet people who have separated but have not been divorced, it is much more unusual to meet divorced people who have not been separated. [100]

In spite of the disagreeable cold and the bitter wind which would have excused a fire, we went for a drive round the park in an open carriage. Prince Pückler sat by my side, to act as showman to this extraordinary estate. In England it would be fine and here it is marvellous. He has created not merely a park but a country: sandy plains, white and dusty hills, have been changed into verdant slopes and fresh green lawns; superb trees rise upon every side, clumps of flowers frame the castle; a pretty stream brightens the whole and the town of Muskau gives interest to the landscape which is rich, diversified and full of beauty; yet, 211 throughout this drive which lasted for two hours, Prince Pückler would talk of nothing but his desire to sell this fair creation. He would like the Prince of Prussia to buy it: he says that as he has finished his work, he feels no more interest in it, and like a painter who has finished his picture, he would like to begin another in a better climate; he tells me he is thinking of South Germany about the Black Forest and the confines of Switzerland. The Princess does not hide her sorrow at this idea and I can understand her feelings, for she has lived here for twenty-five years and the interior of the castle is her work; moreover, she has discovered a mineral spring on the spot, which has suggested the erection of a watering establishment. This idea has been carried out and the building in the park looks charming.

To return to Prince Pückler, he is not what I had expected him to be: he speaks but little, in a low voice, and whether he feels that I am ill-inclined to gossip and scandal, or whether he reserves his own powers in this direction for his writings, his conversation shows no trace of them. He rather gives me the idea of a man who is tired and bored than of a bad character.

Muskau, June 22, 1843.—I had proposed to start this morning, but the Prince of Prussia told me so graciously that he could not allow me to leave Muskau before himself, that a refusal would have been churlish, the more so as Princess Pückler seemed very anxious that I should stay. Here one is allowed to remain in one's room in sloth until midday, which suits my habits excellently. When I went downstairs yesterday to the drawing-room, the Prince of Prussia, who had arrived at nine o'clock in the morning, was already coming in from a walk. After lunch the Princess displayed many curiosities which her husband had brought home; books, frames, models of the Holy Sepulchre, rosaries and crosses in mother of pearl beautifully worked in Palestine, Arab paintings, arms and instruments of all kinds. In the library we were shown a manuscript on vellum with painted vignettes of Froissart's Chronicle. Something of everything is to be found in this curious house, which is full 212 of contrasts. In the afternoon the men went out again for a long excursion and the ladies walked about the gardens, which well deserve to be examined in detail, so marvellous is the labour expended upon them, though attention to detail has in no way destroyed the general effect. Afterwards we entered a carriage and reaching a large field covered with people, we stopped to see the Arab and Egyptian horses of Prince Pückler parading, curvetting and galloping. They were ridden by men in Oriental dress, and it was a bright and pretty spectacle. Tea was served in one of the lounge rooms of the bathing establishment.

Berlin, June 24, 1843.—On arriving here I found letters which will further modify my movements. My sister Acerenza is ill, and her doctor has insisted so strongly upon Carlsbad that she is going there with my other sister on July 1; so, on leaving here I shall go to Carlsbad, together with my son, who has been ordered to take the waters.

I must say another word concerning the conclusion of my stay in the fairyland of Muskau. On Thursday, the 22nd, after lunch, every one went up to see Prince Pückler's rooms: there are four of them, full of pictures, sculptures, engravings, books, manuscripts, heathen and Christian curiosities, curiosities from Asia, Barbary and Egypt; a pretty model of the foot of his Abyssinian woman [101] is on his desk by the side of his wife's portrait; a model of the Holy Sepulchre hangs by a stuffed crocodile; a portrait of Frederick the Great is confronted by that of Napoleon, and the picture of M. de Talleyrand is side by side with one of Pius VII. There are inscriptions on all the doors in the style of Jean Paul. Amid all this miscellany there seems to be some attempt at order, in which the hand of the master of the rooms is apparent; in any case they contain interest of every kind. After this inspection we went to tea in a shooting-box in the midst of a most beautiful forest. The Prince of 213 Prussia had a shot at a stag, which he killed. We returned after nightfall, and after supper the Prince of Prussia was present at a torchlight parade of the military reserves. This was followed by a walk through the park, which was illuminated by Bengal lights, so cleverly placed behind the trees and the clumps of flowers, that the fires could only be inferred from the effect which they produced; these effects were really magical, and I had never seen anything of the kind. The Prince of Prussia left Muskau the night before last at two o'clock, and I followed him yesterday morning.

Berlin, June 25, 1843.—Yesterday I went to an evening party given by the Radziwills. There I met Humboldt who had just returned from the island of Rügen, concerning which he was most enthusiastic: he also spoke very warmly of the residence of Prince Putbus, who was able to receive the two Kings of Prussia and Denmark without any necessity for himself or his wife to change their usual mode of life. [102] The King of Denmark seems to be greatly disturbed as to what will become of his kingdom after his death. His son is such a bad and even insane character that his succession is practically impossible; moreover, he ill-treats his wife dreadfully and has no children. Hence there is an idea that Denmark will be divided; that the islands and Jutland will go to a Prince of Hesse-Cassel, and that claims for Holstein and Schleswig will be raised from very different quarters; Russia will raise claims, and as Germany is especially anxious to see that Russia gains no footing there, the two Kings have apparently been trying to avoid any invasion of the kind. An attempt will be made to overthrow all claims by marrying a Prince of Holstein-Glücksburg with one of the Grand Duchesses of Russia.

Berlin, June 26, 1843.—Yesterday I dined with the Russian Minister together with M. de Valençay, and saw in full detail my old house, [103] which is much improved; but it 214 was very pretty in its original form, and if I had it now nothing would induce me to sell it.

Berlin, June 29, 1843.—Yesterday M. de Valençay and myself travelled to Potsdam by the railway, and the King's carriage took us to Sans Souci. The King came in for dinner after a Council which had lasted five hours and was concerned with the increasing difficulties in the states of the Rhine provinces. Apparently the King could not agree with his Ministers upon the policy to be adopted; in any case he must have been greatly pre-occupied, for he was by no means in his natural humour. Besides M. de Valençay and myself the guests included the Ministers, the officers on duty, an old gentleman, one Pourtalès of Neuchâtel, Humboldt and Rönne, but the dinner was very slow. The King has grown stout, which was not necessary in his case; he is also changed by age and his colour is too high; I did not think he was looking by any means so well as I could wish. After dinner all the guests returned to Berlin except my son, Humboldt and myself. We were asked to stay for a drive. I was given a room which the King has just fitted up and which looks as though it belonged to a novel of the date of Frederick II. The strange feature of the room is that in 1807 when the King was a child at Memel he dreamt one night of a room in this style, and as he remembered his dream he has realised it. The wood is painted in very light green: all the mouldings, which are in the style of Louis XV., are gilded, as also are the frames of the mirrors and pictures; the bureau and the curtains are red; the table and wardrobe are of rosewood, inlaid and decorated with beautiful Saxony porcelain, as also is the mantelpiece of black marble. At seven o'clock I went out with the Queen in her carriage, while the King entered the phaeton with his favourite Minister, Count Stolberg, who is a very pleasant man; my son was in the third carriage with Humboldt. The King led the way and we followed him over very beautiful roads 215 carried through a forest which he has added to the great park of Potsdam; he was then kind enough to drive us back to the railway, and the last train brought us to Berlin where I was anxious to appear at the house of Frau von Savigny, who had arranged a musical evening for us. This was a very pleasant entertainment; her nieces, her son and two other gentlemen sang delightfully, and a certain Passini played the violin infinitely better than I have ever heard any violinist play. I thought him far superior to Paganini and Bériot.

Berlin, July 1, 1843.—This new month really should bring us summer, but it does not look like doing so. The weather is cold, damp and abominable. However, I went yesterday with the Radziwills, my son and Herr von Olfers to see the frescoes which are being executed in the museum under the direction of Cornelius. They are very beautiful compositions in point both of design and idea. I also went to the Kunstverein to see the portrait of Tieck by Styler, who is at present the most famous portrait painter in Germany and I think deserves his reputation.

Berlin, July 3, 1843.—Yesterday we went to Potsdam to a military fête to which the Emperor of Russia had sent a deputation; in consequence all the Russians in residence here were invited. The whole of the royal family and several of the chief noblemen of the country were there; Princess Adalbert, who has returned from Silesia, was also there. She has grown much older, is greatly changed, and in my opinion is extremely ugly; she seemed to be in no way conscious of the fact. Dinner was given in a large gallery, after which we went to see the troops dining in the open air. They were continuously exposed to a fine and very unpleasant rain which entirely spoilt the sight. After dinner came the theatre, then supper and then the railway.

Königsbruck, July 6, 1843.—I arrived here yesterday at the house of my nieces. The castle is almost full, but only relations are there: the Count and Countess of Hohenthal, Madame de Lazareff, and her three children, Fanny Biron, her two young brothers, Pierre and Calixte, the two daughters and the little boy of poor Count Maltzan, who are cousins-german 216 of my nieces, and then a number of governesses, &c. Every one seemed very happy and welcomed me warmly.

Carlsbad, July 11, 1843.—On the 7th we had a terrible storm at Königsbruck with hail, a waterspout and a flood. A child in the village was drowned, and everybody was terror-stricken. My poor nephew Hohenthal lost his hay and his harvest. I started on the 8th in good time to dine at Pillnitz, where their Majesties received me most kindly. On the 9th I heard mass at Dresden in the early morning and started after lunch for Teplitz. Yesterday I made a start in stormy weather, the horses were frightened and inclined to shy; on one occasion they started to one side of the road, and if they had not stuck in some heavy earth we should have been upset. It was an unpleasant experience, for the danger was real. However, as it is over, one can but thank God for safety and think of it no more. I found my sisters very kind and affectionate, but the second is much changed, yellow and withered.

Carlsbad, July 13, 1843.—Yesterday I had several callers: Prince Paul Esterhazy came in first and we talked of many old memories. Then the Ambassador Pahlen came; he knows as little of his future career as Barante knows of his. Afterwards I and my son went to dinner with Prince Paul Esterhazy: among the guests were Princesse Gabrielle Auersberg, lady-in-waiting to the Emperor Alexander during the Vienna Congress; Princess Veriand of Windisch-Graetz, a pretty woman of the same period, and her daughter, the Ambassador Pahlen, Herr von Liebermann and Count Woronzoff-Daschkoff. After dinner I made several calls and went to tea with my sisters; several people came in, including the Count of Brandenburg, son of the stout William and of Countess Doenhoff. We had met long ago at Berlin and were glad to meet again.

Carlsbad, July 15, 1843.—I spend almost the whole of my days with my sisters. Here people live in the street, wander about and spend their money in the shops, in which they are constantly looking. I was asked to tea yesterday with the Countess Strogonoff whom I had met at London at dinner 217 with Madame de Lieven. I stayed for half an hour, but it was a meeting of St. Petersburg society, and I was quite lost. I saw Marshal Paskewitch who is known, I think, as the Prince of Warsaw; his manner is by no means pleasant, and certainly not distinguished.

Breslau, July 24, 1843.—I am making only a flying visit here as I wish to dine with my nephew Biron at Polnisch-Wartenberg, and I have no time to lose. I saw nothing striking on the road from Dresden here, and Breslau is an old town which is rather stolid than interesting.

Polnisch-Wartenberg, July 26, 1843.—I found a regular family meeting here the day before yesterday and a pressing invitation to dine the next day with the Radziwills. I therefore accompanied my nephew yesterday morning to Antonin, a shooting-box of the Radziwills in the grand duchy of Posen. The weather was abominable and the Polish roads extremely bad. Six horses harnessed to a light carriage dragged us through dark forests, over deep sand through which we jolted over the roots of trees. The grand duchy of Posen which begins two leagues from here, has a generally depressing appearance; the population, the houses and the cultivation are all in a poor state. I was received very kindly by the good Radziwills, who are living in a curious castle which is rather original than comfortable. Near this castle their parents are buried; I was taken to the family vault to pray over the tomb of their late mother, Princess Louise of Prussia, who was my godmother, and what is more, was a really motherly friend to me.

Polnisch-Wartenberg, July 27, 1843.—My nephew took me for a drive yesterday morning to see part of his estate. We spent the rest of the time examining old family papers and memorials of our grandparents which are collected here. Prince Radziwill dined here in the course of a round of inspection which he was making.

Günthersdorf, July 29, 1843.—I have come here from Polnisch-Wartenberg. I stayed at Breslau for a few hours to visit the churches, the old town hall, and some shops which are better stocked and in better taste than those of Berlin. 218 I also wished to pay my respects to the Prince Bishop [104] and ask his blessing. He received me with affecting sympathy. My nephew who had accompanied me everywhere, left me in the cathedral and went to ask the Bishop if he could receive me; he immediately came to fetch me, notwithstanding his eighty-two years, and took me to his palace which he showed me. It is a fine residence, and I was obliged to accept an invitation to a meal. The traditions and character of Breslau pleased me greatly.

Günthersdorf, July 31, 1843.—I do not know Princess Belgiojoso well enough to say whether I should be flattered or not by the comparison which M. Cousin has given you of her mind and mine; [105] but I am quite certain that M. Cousin cannot possibly judge my character, seeing that I have never spoken with him nor in his presence. His statements therefore are based upon hearsay and are, in consequence, unreliable. In any case my learning which is confined to the seventeenth century will humbly strike its flag before a mother of the church. I do not write books, I am ignorant and grow more ignorant every day, as I am entirely occupied with personal interests, and if I were obliged to make researches into any subject, it would be into the law concerning fiefs. [106] This reminds me that I was startled this morning by the trumpet blast of a postillion which seemed to me to announce some courier sent to Germany for a definite answer. However, it was Herr von Wolff who had come with a new proposal concerning the Sagan affair. In a fortnight the business will either be ended satisfactorily or broken off altogether; so another fortnight of uncertainty must follow many months of suspense. The late M. de Talleyrand, who was always right, said that a long distance separated the agreement and the conclusion of any piece of business.

Günthersdorf, August 3, 1843.—I am sorry to hear of the death of General Alava, though he was not a character who 219 held any high place in my esteem. With him more recollections of the past have disappeared; and at Rochecotte I had also looked after him and had grown accustomed to the sound of his stick upon my inlaid floors. Death is a very serious matter and when it begins to thin the ranks of one's intimate friends, as has been the case with me for several years, it is impossible to avoid serious reflections upon death. It comes nearer and nearer to my heart and sometimes it seems to me that I have no time to lose before I make all my preparations for the great and final journey.

Günthersdorf, August 10, 1843.—I spent nearly the whole of yesterday at Wartenberg: I propose to found a little hospital there and am greatly occupied by the preparations and arrangements for it, a task entirely after my own heart. I spent the beautiful evening sitting on my balcony, surrounded by flowers, reading and thinking; but if thoughts are to be pleasant the heart must be free from all sad and painful cares, otherwise meditation turns inevitably to bitterness.

Günthersdorf, August 16, 1843.—My sisters arrived yesterday morning and my son Louis yesterday evening; my nieces and their children have been here for some days with Count Schulenburg, so that my little house is almost full.

Günthersdorf, August 21, 1843.—Yesterday I went to mass at Wartenberg. When I came back I found Herr von Wolff who told us the terrible news of the fire in the Opera House at Berlin and the panic and danger which menaced the charming palace of the dear Princess of Prussia. [107] She was then indisposed and the fright seems to have made her quite ill. The young Archduke of Austria who was then in Berlin, seems to have behaved marvellously well. [108] Yesterday evening at tea time the Countess de le Roche-Aymon called here on her way to her niece, Madame de Bruges, who lives in Upper Silesia. She has decided to spend a few days with 220 us: German by extraction, she has lived in France for a long time and is now returning to settle in her native land; she is cheerful and lively in spite of her seventy-three years. She told us that the will of Prince Augustus of Prussia, who has just died, was scandalous to the last degree, [109] and gave a full account of his mistresses and bastard children. The latter amount to a hundred and twenty, but have not all survived their father.

Hohlstein, September 6, 1843.—I arrived at Hohlstein the day before yesterday. Unfortunately the weather remains unpleasant and trying. Apart from my sisters there is no one here now except Fanny and myself and life is very quiet, which suits me entirely.

Yesterday my sisters took me to Neuland, three leagues from here. This is a large estate with a small castle which the ex-King of the Low Countries bought eighteen months ago from the Count of Nostitz. It is said that he proposes to settle it upon his wife. Some building is going on and the garden is being laid out, but on a restricted scale and in poor taste. The site is very ordinary; the fields alone are beautiful, but a man of taste might do a great deal. The appearance of the whole did not please me.

Berlin, October 11, 1843.—I can understand that the town of Berlin would not suit everybody's taste: though handsome it is too monotonous and too modern. Prague is much more imposing and Dresden more lively. The real importance of Berlin is entirely political and military, and it always gives one the impression of being at headquarters.

Herr von Humboldt is extremely kind, but a little spice of malice is invariably perceptible in his acts of politeness, and it is well to be on one's guard. He amuses the King with 221 numberless stories in which charitable feeling is not the most striking motive.

A rumour is widely circulated that the bullet shot fired at the carriage of the Emperor Nicholas at Posen is a little Russian comedy arranged to provide an excuse for further severity in Poland and to justify German severity towards the grand duchy of Posen. [110]

Berlin, October 16, 1843.—Yesterday I received at last the ratified agreement with my nephew the Prince of Hohenzollern, concerning the tenure of Sagan, duly signed, initialled and attested. The kindness of Herr von Wolff, to which this result is largely due, makes this final solution of the question doubly valuable in my eyes.

The official date for taking possession is April 1, though I am allowed to supervise the workmen from this moment. We have now to regularise the deed by a family agreement securing the concurrence of the agnate relations; then to abandon the allodial rights to the fief to satisfy the Crown and to reconstitute as one whole that which is now divided into several parts. When this has been done, the king must re-invest me and receive my oath of vassalage.

Here we have with us the agreeable Balzac who has just returned from Russia: he gives as unpleasant accounts of the country as M. de Custine, but he will not write a special book of his travels; he is merely writing some Scenes from Military Life, several of which will deal, I think, with Russia. He is a heavy and vulgar character: I had already seen him in France, but he left me with a disagreeable impression which has now been strengthened.

The day before yesterday we went to dinner, saw the play and had supper at the new palace. The play was Shakspere's 222 Midsummer Night's Dream, translated by Schlegel. The staging was very fine. At supper I sat by the side of the Archduke Albert, who is a natural and well-educated character. He is to marry Princess Hildegarde of Bavaria who is said to be very pretty.

I am to go and dine at Babelsberg with the Princess of Prussia. She is to be so kind as to take me in the evening to Sans Souci, where the King told me to come and hear Madame Viardot Garcia quite privately.

Berlin, October 18, 1843.—The little concert at Sans Souci was very agreeable. Madame Viardot sang very well and was very attractive in spite of her plainness. She has just started for St. Petersburg.

I informed the King that the treaty between my nephew and myself had been concluded. He was extremely gracious upon this occasion and seems to me to have abandoned all his prejudices in favour of the elder branch of my family. [111] I was really touched by his kindness. Yesterday I had a long conference with the Prince of Wittgenstein who has to deal with all questions touching the crown fiefs, as chief minister of the King's household.

Sagan, October 28, 1843.—The Duchesse Mathieu de Montmorency writes complaining of obstinate bronchitis; I should be sorry if she were to die, for I should lose in her a Christian friend; she and Mgr. de Quélen taught me what a friendship could be that was always equable and kind, in which self-love played no part, for they are friends not merely for time but for eternity. To-day I have also a letter from M. Royer-Collard. His handwriting is greatly altered: I feel that my happiness is threatened in the person of my best friends, and since M. de Talleyrand's death I have been terribly tried in this respect.

Sagan, which I am examining in detail, is a town of seven thousand people with six churches, five of which are Catholic and all of which are interesting: there are also several charitable foundations in the town founded by the Dukes at different times; some are six hundred years old and were 223 founded by the Dukes of the house of Piast. [112] It is touching to see these works still standing when all purely secular monuments so rapidly decay. I have been received here with marks of great attention. For four years everything has been left in a state of utter abandonment and even longer than that, for my sister had moved to Italy and took no interest in her estates.

Vienna, November 14, 1843.—I have been here for some days. The day before yesterday I had the honour of paying my respects to the Archduchess Sophie, whom I had known before her marriage: she received me most kindly, nor could any one be more gracious, more amiable, more animated or easy in every way. She asked me many questions about our Royal Family and spoke of them in very suitable terms and with tact and kindness. I was delighted with the interview.

Vienna, November 24, 1843.—Life here is very much more peaceful than at Berlin. The Court does not appear and all the fashionable people are still shooting in the country. Parties will not begin before New Year's Day. I have been four times to the theatre which is over by half-past nine, and three times to the house of Prince Metternich; his parties go on till nearly midnight but there are only five or six regular visitors. I have also visited Louise Schönburg; several people regularly stand round her long chair from nine o'clock to eleven. Medem, M. de Flahaut, Paul and Maurice Esterhazy and Marshal Marmont often call upon me at the end of the morning.

CHAPTER IV
1844

224 Vienna, January 4, 1844.—I am packing up, saying goodbye and making the thousand little arrangements which precede departure. I shall leave Vienna very well satisfied with my stay and very grateful for the extreme kindness and courtesy that every one has shown me.

Sagan, January 24, 1844.—The day before yesterday I went out in a sledge to a shooting-party; two hundred and eighty head of game were killed. Yesterday I visited a very fine reformatory which is the chief house of its kind for this part of Silesia. It is in Sagan itself, in a house which was formerly a Jesuit convent. It is a well-arranged establishment conducted upon Christian principles by Baron von Stanger. He is a widower; in grief at the loss of a wife whom he adored, he was impelled by his religious feelings to devote himself to this work of redemption. The clergyman subordinate to him is a converted Jew, a kind of Abbé of Ratisbon, most zealous and conscientious and imbued with the missionary spirit. The results so far obtained are most satisfactory.

My life here is simple, quiet and I trust useful. I have also good news of all to whom I am sincerely attached, and no more physical trouble than I can well bear. To feel oneself entirely useless, to have no serious object in life, or to be paralysed by excessive physical suffering, are I think, the only conditions under which complaints to God are justifiable. I do not mention the pain of surviving those whom one loves whole-heartedly, for that is above all things 225 a matter of feeling, to use the admirable expression of Madame de Maintenon. Besides, the continuous exercise of one's whole energies in relieving others or helping one's kith and kin is a great means of consolation.

Berlin, February 23, 1844.—The sect of the Pietists which is the scourge of Prussia, is doing more harm here than even atheists could produce. There is no doubt that Prussia, like the rest of Europe, is agitated by revolutionary feeling and that Silesia is in particular disturbed by these movements, the consequence of a mixture of populations. These hostilities and rivalries are fomented by the Pietists in a most unchristian way.

I have seen Princess Albert of Prussia again. She looks better since her tour in Italy. I was surprised to see her sprightly and cheerful air, as her position is the more difficult, since her father's death has deprived her of her strongest support.

I hear from Vienna that Madame de Flahaut is patronising the young Hungarians who are causing trouble at the Diet of Pressburg; that she praises their opposition speeches and encourages them to come to her house. At Vienna the authorities are surprised, but their feeling will soon pass that stage. Really, this woman has not a single diplomatic fibre in the whole of her dry anatomy.

Berlin, March 19, 1844.—In honour of the Mecklenburg and Nassau families and of the Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia, we have had some carnival festivities upon a small scale which have caused me a certain amount of trouble and weariness and left me rather tired. The Duke of Nassau is a most dismal looking person and I think an unpleasant person in every respect; he looks like a regimental surgeon. The young Duchess has an admirable figure and beautiful arms and complexion, but she has red hair, with the coarse chubby face of a doll; she is simple and very kind. The Hereditary Grand Duke of Russia is better in health but by no means improved in looks. Princess Augustus of Cambridge, who married the Crown Prince of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, exactly resembles what her aunt the Landgravine of Hesse-Homburg 226 must have been at her age. In a few days we shall assume mourning here for the King of Sweden who is certainly dead.

Berlin, March 24, 1844.—I was in possession of the information which you have sent me [113] with regard to the fact that Charles X. always did justice to M. de Talleyrand in reference to the interview between them during the night of the 16th and 17th of July, 1789. The King had said as much to the old Duchesse de Luynes, and I was with my uncle when she came to repeat the words of Charles X. to him. Since 1830 M. de Vitrolles has become so entirely a stranger to me that I do not quite see how I could ask him to testify to the nature of this interview, though he repeats his facts as he had them from the mouth of Charles X. himself. [114]

Berlin, March 30, 1844.—I am busy with farewell visits and the usual preparations and troubles of departure. I shall spend the greater part of April at Sagan, and shall start for Paris about the 20th, as I wish to be there for my daughter's confinement. I shall then spend a few days at Rochecotte and return to Germany about the end of June.

I have been very busy of late and have been obliged to leave several letters unanswered. Wide separation enables action to be taken which close neighbourhood would make difficult. The late M. de Talleyrand used to think a great deal of this system, and with every reason. He used to reproach me for the want of skill which I displayed in referring and replying to every statement, in my extreme fondness for argument and discussion, my inability to pass over difficult points, and my excessive insight into indiscretions and requirements. I used to tell him that in his position and at his age silence in certain respects was taken as a hint or a warning, and therefore permissible, but that I was too young and by no means sufficiently independent to adopt such habits. At that time I was right, but as youth is a fault 227 which can be cured every day, in spite of itself, I have found for some time that the moment has come when I may treat as non-existent that which troubles or wearies me.

Here the memoirs are interrupted for three consecutive years. The Duchesse de Talleyrand started for France in the month of April 1844, to be with the Marquise de Castellane when she was confined of her son. The journey did not prove satisfactory, as she encountered difficulties with her French relations when she wished to secure their consent to the establishment of the fief of Sagan in favour of her eldest son. M. de Bacourt also disapproved of her proposal to settle in Germany, and the correspondence which has provided material for these chronicles became much less frequent. It was not resumed with any regularity until the end of 1847, after Rochecotte had been given to the Marquise de Castellane, and the Marquis de Castellane, the Duchesse de Talleyrand's son-in-law, had died. In consequence of this event the Duchesse de Talleyrand returned once more to France.

CHAPTER V
1847

228 Sagan, December 12, 1847.—I am delighted to learn that your nomination to the Embassy of Turin has been settled, since you desire the post. [115] I hear from Berlin that the Emperor Nicholas is angry with Paul Medem for leaving his post without leave, and that he is therefore not receiving the treatment to which he is accustomed and to which he has a right. Count Nesselrode and his numerous friends are doing their best to disperse these clouds, and will doubtless be successful. At Berlin men's minds are full of Switzerland, the past history of which is a disgrace, while the present is an anxiety and the future a menace, especially in the south of Germany. [116] M. Guizot, however, seems to go forward courageously with or without the concurrence of England, and at Berlin there is general satisfaction with his frankness and his decision. I have this from a high authority.

Sagan, December 18, 1847.—I hear upon good authority that the small states of Switzerland are in a great ferment, especially among the peasants, and that the heavy indemnities laid upon the unfortunate victims of the Sonderbund will probably drive them to a general revolt. Colleredo and 229 Radowitz were to leave Vienna to-day for the Congress, at which the affairs of Switzerland are to be discussed. [117]

Yesterday I had a visit from Prince and Princess Carolath. I had seen them in London in 1830 when Prince Carolath was sent by the King of Prussia to congratulate William IV. on his succession. Through his mother, Prince Carolath is cousin german of the Dowager Queen of England. [118] By birth the princess was Countess Pappenheim, a granddaughter of the Chancellor Hardenberg; after her mother had been divorced from Count Pappenheim, she married Prince Pückler-Muskau. She is very kind and charitable to the poor, writes charming verses, reads a great deal, and speaks several languages.

Sagan, December 24, 1847.—The Empress Marie Louise is dead. A year ago this event would hardly have been noticed, but it now adds a further complication to the state of northern Italy, which was certainly not required in a district that is threatened upon every side. The people of Parma are said to be trembling lest they should fall under the government of the wretched Duke of Lucca, and are thought to be on the point of revolt. [119] The Grand Duke of Tuscany, disturbed by the liberal movement, is harassing the Court of Vienna. The Papacy is said to be in the same position as Tuscany. It seems impossible that Piedmont should escape all this ferment, and this is the fact which interests me most in the whole affair. Apparently there are many assassinations in Italy. I know that the members of 230 the diplomatic body are not greatly exposed, but crimes about one, even if not aimed at oneself, make life difficult and sad. At Vienna society is said to be restless and touchy and inclined to duelling. For this there are several reasons. The first and chief is the extraordinarily tumultuous Diet of Hungary, where the young and untamed nobility of liberal ideas spends its time during the week, and returns from Pressburg on Saturday to spend the Sunday at Vienna and to shout its defiance in the chief casinos, until clubs have been formed. The party opposed to Metternich (I refer to the conservatives, many of whom are very hostile to him) regard Austria's attitude upon the Swiss question as deplorable. [120] It is loudly asserted that Prince Metternich is being deceived by Lord Palmerston, and that instead of issuing clever notes he should have made armed demonstrations, and that if he has sufficient intellect remaining for the first he has not the energy for the second alternative. I am therefore assured that this winter will be unpleasant at Vienna, and that there have already been lively and disagreeable scenes. Madame de Colloredo is the only cheerful person; resplendent in the magnificent jewels which her new husband has given her, dressed in youthful and coquettish style with roses in her hair as a girl of fifteen, she is totally indifferent to the mockery aimed at her, which she is enabled to bear by the attentions of Count Colloredo, who seems to be deeply in love and fully satisfied. Such is the gossip from Vienna which my brother-in-law brought back yesterday.

Sagan, December 28, 1847.—I fear that Italy must be bristling with domestic and diplomatic difficulties. I am assured that the Duke of Lucca will not assert his rights over Parma, and will abandon them to his son. He has shown such want of tact, and has committed such blunders in England, that Queen Victoria requested the Austrian Ambassador to induce the Prince of Lucca to leave England at once, as she would otherwise be obliged to command his 231 departure herself. It is very sad for Mlle. de Rosny, his wife, [121] who is said to be charming and distinguished.

M. de Radowitz is a clever and learned man, who thinks a great deal of himself and is a great talker. He leads the Catholic mystical party in Prussia, and is therefore entirely in the King's good graces and confidence.

Barante writes to me from Paris, assuring me that the relations between Russia and France are by no means so near a revival as people said; he seems to me rather to aim at succeeding the Duc de Broglie as Ambassador at London than at following Bresson in the Embassy at Naples.

CHAPTER VI
1848

232 Sagan, January 4, 1848.—I am quite overwhelmed by the death of Madame Adélaïde. [122] It is a misfortune for the King, for the poor and for my children. In her I lose a friend who regretted daily the loss of M. de Talleyrand, whose death I have also every reason to deplore. And thus the sad year of 1847 has come to an end with this sudden blow, and I can quite understand that the King's private friends begin the year 1848 under gloomy auspices. The political horizon seems very dark. I do not maintain that the turn of the north will never come, but at the present moment the south is in a very feverish condition.

Sagan, January 6, 1848.—There is some truth in Madame de Lieven's remarks concerning Humboldt: I do not assert that he is absolutely radical, but his liberalism is of a very advanced type and at Berlin he is thought to be urging the Princess of Prussia along the path which she does not always follow with sufficient prudence. However, Humboldt is too clever to compromise himself and though he may make himself conspicuous to some extent, he is at bottom a remnant of the few disappearing elements of the eighteenth century.

I know enough of King Louise Philippe to be convinced of his courage and his presence of mind: when therefore I saw the submission of Abd-el-Kader in the newspaper, I at once considered that the King would regard this event as 233 counterbalancing his grief in some degree. [123] The ties of affection which united him to his sister were so strong that he probably will not feel his loss most deeply at the first moment, but as life resumes its usual course, when he finds that she is not present to listen to him and to share his thoughts at the time when he used to visit her and give her his confidence, his isolation will be felt and sadness will begin. The Queen is undoubtedly no less devoted and loyal to him, but she is to some extent preoccupied by family cares and her mind does not run in the same direction; she is not always in the King's room awaiting the royal pleasure at every moment, while her religious tendencies are in advance of those of the King. In short she may be much but she cannot be everything. However, it is much better that the King should survive his sister than that he should have died before her, for such a shock would have killed Madame forthwith, I am perfectly certain.

Sagan, January 10, 1848.—Though I am not free from care when I am in good health, it must not be imagined that I have a terror of sudden death, the occasion of which I cannot foresee, though of its certainty I have no doubt. I have no wish to die, but I have no pleasure in life. My life's work has certainly been done and all my tasks are accomplished. What remains affects me but little. It is but a matter of filling up the time and it is hardly worth the little daily efforts which it costs. However, I refuse to be overcome by depression. I have made up my accounts and settled my affairs, and have therefore no reason for sadness, and as long as I am alive my energy will continue; but I can never grow resigned to the idea of finding myself useless, and I trust that God will be so gracious as to leave me the power of sympathy with the wants of those about me until the last moment. If I did not love the poor I should think myself 234 more miserable than they. Fortunately I feel more drawn towards them every day and they compensate for many losses.

Sagan, January 12, 1848.—I have been invited to the funeral ceremonies of Madame Adélaïde at Dreux. The King is greatly depressed and feels very lonely. I am very anxious as to what this year 1848 may have in store for me.

It seems that the Duc de Montpensier has been commissioned to arrange his aunt's private papers.

Sagan, January 18, 1848.—I am carefully reading the debates in the French Chambers and have been delighted by the noble answers of the Chancellor [124] and the clever replies of M. de Barante to this M. d'Alton Shée who carries his tactlessness too far. [125] The general prospect seems dark and there is no point upon the horizon to which I can look with satisfaction.

Sagan, January 20, 1848.—I have been attentively reading the speech upon the Address in the Chamber of Peers, and was charmed by the clear and noble speech of the Duc de Broglie, while I was reduced to tears by the brilliant oration of M. de Montalembert on the affairs of Switzerland, as he spoke with such sincere emotion, with such cleverness and resource, and exposed so entirely the intrigues of the abominable Lord Palmerston. [126] I really do not know why every one should be so ready to consider that intermediary who is the curse of the age: it seems quite obvious to me 235 that M. Guizot has been duped by him in the matter of Switzerland; in his place I should have been better inspired, and I cannot imagine how any one can cease to distrust him after the many experiences of his bad faith. [127]

Sagan, January 26, 1848.—So you are leaving Paris to-day to begin a new phase of your existence. [128] I could wish that your latest news from Turin might be satisfactory, but I doubt if this will be the case. The most important point is that the health of the King of Sardinia should be restored and fortified; he seems to be a clever and enlightened Prince, quite aware of the necessities of the age, though disinclined to make unnecessary concessions to them. I trust that he, yourself, and Italy in general may have a long and glorious existence.

I have a long letter from my daughter Pauline full of regret at your approaching departure, which she regards as another severe trial.

The news of the death of the King of Denmark has just reached us; this will further complicate the state of affairs in the North, and apparently Europe [129] will not escape any resulting difficulty. The King of Denmark was a learned and enlightened monarch and enjoyed an excellent reputation; I had the honour of seeing him and of knowing the Queen fairly well, a most saintly person; [130] her mother and mine were intimate friends, and among my mother's papers I have found letters from the Duchess of Augustenburg.

Sagan, January 29, 1848.—Yesterday we saw a remarkable meteor: for twenty minutes a column of fire seemed to connect heaven and earth; the sun appeared to be about a 236 third of the way up the sky, and from the lower part of its disc depended this luminous column which seemed to be supported by the horizon of the earth. [131] It was a beautiful and imposing spectacle. Some centuries ago astrologers would have drawn many horoscopes based upon this event. I draw my prognostications from newspapers, and I dare not hope that this phenomenon portends any good.

Sagan, February 10, 1848.—On the 5th of the month I was very agreeably surprised by the arrival of the Prince Bishop of Breslau. [132] In spite of the unpleasant weather and his bad health he was anxious to wish me many happy returns of the day and to say mass here in person on St. Dorothea's Day. He was accompanied by several ecclesiastics and the chief Catholic lords of the province. The Prince Bishop proposed my health at dinner in a charming speech, dealing with the signification of the name of Dorothea and with the arms of Sagan, [133] which he was good enough to term a speaking coat of arms. He trembled with emotion and spilled a few drops of wine from his glass, whereupon he made an end, saying to me, "When the heart speaks, the hand trembles."

The typhus fever which is devastating Upper Silesia threatens to appear here, though we hope that it may be less deadly than it is upon the other side of Breslau. The extremes of want and hunger have been more successfully met here than in other parts of the province. In Upper Silesia this disease has caused dreadful ravages. The doctors have succumbed to it, and were it not for the Brothers of Charity sent by the Prince Bishop, the people would be without relief. Four thousand orphans are wandering about. Mgr. Diepenbrock, following the example of Mgr. de Quélen after the ravages of the cholera in 1833, proposes to open a place of refuge for them to which the Catholics of the 237 province are to devote their time and energy. The plan has been elaborated here.

Weimar, February 18, 1848.—We have had a succession of festivities here in honour of the birthday of the reigning Grand Duchess. The day before yesterday an excellent performance was given of an opera which has made much stir in Germany, called Martha, by the composer Flotow. The libretto and the music are very pretty, and the orchestra was admirably conducted by Liszt. He is Capellmeister to the Weimar Court, with definite leave of absence for nine months in the year. Of this he recently took advantage to make a tour in Constantinople and Odessa, in the course of which he made much money. This evening he is to play to us privately at the house of the Grand Duchess, after Prince Pückler-Muskau has read some extracts dealing with his stay with Mehemet Ali. There is to be previously a little dinner at the young Court of the Hereditary Prince. Attempts are made here to cherish the sacred fire of art and literature, which for sixty years or more has gained for Weimar the title of the Athens of Germany. The Grand Duchess, in order to perpetuate the tradition, has devoted a certain number of rooms in the castle to the memory of poets, philosophers, and artists who have made the district famous. Fresco paintings recall the various subjects of their works, and the rooms are decorated with busts, portraits, views of the historical scenes and curious sites, and pieces of furniture of different periods. The Grand Duchess enjoys a considerable private fortune, which she expends very nobly upon charitable foundations, and in the decoration of her residences. For a hundred years the Court of Weimar has been very well divided among various Princesses; the grandmother of the present Grand Duke was the patroness of Schiller, of Goethe and Wieland, and under her patronage the classical literature of Germany was able to flourish; her daughter-in-law, the mother of the present Grand Duke, was the only Princess of Germany who was able to overawe Napoleon. She saved the kingdom for her husband, the Duke, by her courage and firmness. M. de Talleyrand often took pleasure in describing the scenes in which this 238 Princess confronted the conqueror. The daughter-in-law of the present Grand Duchess, the Princess of the Low Countries, is also clever and well educated; she has a charming voice, great tact, and a simple manner which increases the effect of her good qualities; everything shows that she will be worthy to continue the tradition of the remarkable Princesses who have reigned over the Court of Weimar. Among them one might almost include the Duchess d'Orléans, as her mother was a sister of the reigning Grand Duke.

Berlin, February 28, 1848.—The day before yesterday I was far from thinking that an interval of forty-eight hours would have brought such vast changes of the situation. The telegraph has successively announced a series of events, though without details, none of which, however, prepared us for the startling news of the abdication of Louis Philippe, and of the regency of the Duchesse d'Orléans. [134] We had no knowledge of the causes or exigencies of the situation, nor can we say what events can be ascribed to prudence or to weakness; but apart from the historical value of these events, which we shall learn later, the simple fact is sufficiently crushing to cause general consternation here, which is equally widespread among all parties from the highest to the lowest. The considerations which throng upon the mind are the same in every case, and there is only one way of regarding the question and its probable results. These results will affect not only all Governments, but also all private rights. The Princess of Prussia, who is united to her cousin by the keenest sympathy, is quite overwhelmed; she thinks that my presence may help her to bear the weight of anxiety, so that I have spent many hours with her in conjectures upon all these dreadful events, and in lamentations concerning the mystery which still veils 239 the greater part of this drama, or, rather, of this sad tragedy. These grievous events will be re-echoed more quickly and more loudly in Italy than anywhere else; the rest of Europe will then follow, for the respite momentarily granted cannot be long. The fact is that it is impossible to find a single part of Europe where undisturbed peace and quiet is certain. Even America does not seem to me to be secure from disintegrating elements; such is the general tendency of the age, and we must learn to endure it in the positions in which Providence has naturally placed us. I am thankful, however, that I had induced Pauline to leave Paris on February 23 for Le Délivrande. [135] I had disapproved of this plan in view of the coldness of the season, but I am now tempted to think it quite providential. This poor child's nerves have already been so shaken that they would have been overstrained by the sight and uproar of the city in tumult.

Poor Madame Adélaïde died at the right time and God has rewarded her affection for her brother by sparing her this bitter grief. This is also true of M. de Talleyrand; I cannot say the same of the Duc d'Orléans, who might have been able to turn these terrible events in another direction if he had been alive.

Considerable excitement is beginning in Russia, but it is true to say that the health of the Emperor Nicholas is very bad. He has an eruption at the knee-joints which makes it difficult for him to walk, and the want of exercise consequently increases the sluggishness of the liver to which he is subject; in short, his health gives cause for anxiety.

Berlin, March 2, 1848.—Since February 28 the most frightful news has arrived every hour with despairing rapidity. To-day a rumour is in circulation which seems to indicate a tendency to a counter-revolution at Paris; I admit that I put no faith in it. My last direct news is dated the 24th, and was written during the quarter of an 240 hour for which the regency of the Duchesse d'Orléans lasted. Letters of the same date have arrived at Berlin, and we have the Moniteur of the 25th, but nothing more. These messages have not been delayed, and so we must withhold our judgment upon events and upon the people who have figured in this tragedy until we know the combination of events which induced the King to yield, and has, so to speak, paralysed his action and that of his family. These unfortunate people are already the objects of disapproval and criticism; I think it would be better to suspend any final judgment. Appearances, however, are very strange, and incline one to think that M. Guizot and the Duchesse d'Orléans have both shown courage and firmness in their several spheres of action. The English post which arrived yesterday evening gave no news of Louis Philippe or his family; they are said to be all at London, but on this subject there is no official or certain news, and the movements of individuals are marked by extreme uncertainty. The Marquis de Dalmatie [136] is playing a strange part here; thirty-six hours ago he sent away his servants, has been selling his furniture and his diamonds, complaining of his poverty, and going from door to door saying that he is a poor émigré, and cursing the Sovereign whom he represented six days ago. He does not thereby improve his position. It is thought that as long as the Duchesse d'Orléans and the Comte de Paris are on French territory he ought to maintain his official position and adopt the attitude which it requires; moreover, it is known that his father is very rich, and it is improbable that confiscation would take place except in cases of actual exile. I shall therefore advise my children not to become émigrés, as I remember M. de Talleyrand's constant advice against this course.

The excitement here with regard to the European consequences of the days of February may easily be imagined. The Belgian Minister, M. de Nathomb, told me yesterday that a strong anti-French movement was becoming manifest in Belgium. Herr von Radowitz started for Vienna last 241 night, and Prince William, the King's uncle, has gone to Mayence. [137]

The telegram which has just come in officially announces the arrival of the Duchesse d'Orléans and her two children at Deutz, on the outskirts of Cologne. [138] The district of Baden is being overcome by excitement, and there is much anxiety as to the possible course of events. People say that there have also been disturbances in Cassel. [139] May God have pity upon this poor old world and those members of it in particular who are dear to me!

Berlin, March 14, 1848.—The whole country between the Rhine and the Elbe is in commotion. Even here the troops are confined to barracks to-day and popular disturbances are expected. If the King had been willing to convoke the Diet a few days ago difficulties would have been greatly decreased. The best chance here is to follow constitutional forms openly and promptly; delay, hesitation, or intrigue will produce a crisis, the extent of which cannot be foreseen. Hence the present week is likely to be very critical here; the burgomasters of the great towns have arrived with terrifying 242 petitions; revolution is more or less avowed everywhere, and it is impossible to say what will be or can be done. Meanwhile the poverty and the typhus fever are increasing.

The Duchesse d'Orléans is at Ems with her two children, travelling as the Marquise de Mornay: she is anxious to remain entirely incognito and her confidants therefore deny the fact of her presence at Ems. She is, however, certainly there, for I have seen people who have talked to her.

Sagan, March 24, 1848.—Serious events have taken place at Berlin; precious time has been lost, and after hesitation half-measures have been reluctantly begun. Further action has been extorted only by fear, after two days, March 18 and 19, the horror of which I shall never forget. Highly disturbing symptoms proceeding from Breslau have affected Silesia; attacks have been made here upon the town hall and the garrison; so far the castle has been spared. My servants thought that my presence might calm the excitement and I hastened to the spot. So far I have had no reason to regret my action, but as the neighbourhood of the Russians is a source of extreme and increasing bitterness, my brother-in-law thinks that I should not stay here and is sending me back to Berlin, where, however, the atmosphere is by no means calm. He proposes to stay at Sagan to make head against the storm and to save what can be saved. Meanwhile the financial crisis is at its height: there is no money in the country, no one can pay, bankruptcies are declared on every side, while panic and agitation are paramount. Pandora's box has been overturned upon Europe. I have just heard that the Grand Duchy of Posen is in a ferment and as my estates touch the frontier, I have a further cause for alarm, but I trust in the mercy of God, am entirely calm, resigned and resolved to bow my head without murmuring to the decrees of Providence. I only ask from Heaven the life and health of those whom I love. The uproar at Vienna has quite amazed me. We advance from peril to peril. [140]

243 Berlin, March 30, 1848.—I have now returned here, where the agitation is far from appeased. Prince Adam Czartoryski arrived yesterday from Paris, and I need not point out the nature of this new complication. [141] Complications, however, follow one another with appalling rapidity. The situation of individuals who have anything to lose is hardly better than that of the kings whose thrones are tottering to their fall. For the moment, at any rate, we are all penniless and neither the war in the east nor the communism of the west offer any better chances for us in the future, for we are crushed between these two colossi.

It is said that the Prussian Diet will be open on April 2, that is in two days, though this is not yet certain. In any case the meeting will be short, as it will only deal with the electoral law.

Berlin, April 1, 1848.—The Diet which is to open to-morrow will form a new act in the drama. [142] It is impossible to estimate the results, and I have lost all interest in forecasts and also in proposals for a long time. Paul Medem, who is here still, is very uncertain what his future will be. The news from Vienna does not seem to me to be particularly reassuring. In general it is scarcely possible to find a peaceful point on the whole of the globe and the sole consolation is the remembrance of sure and tried affection which can defy revolution and absence and everything that walks abroad throughout this vale of tears.

244 Berlin, April 8, 1848.—The effects of the revolution in Paris have been felt here and the consequences have been violent, far-reaching and irremediable. Everything is still in a ferment and the impetus, far from being exhausted is still proceeding, though not in an upward direction. The peasants' rising in the provinces is a most disastrous element in the situation: I am obliged to remain in the town in consequence, though here the continuance of popular excitement disagreeably breaks the monotonous and profound melancholy of this capital. The Metternich family are in Holland preparing for their crossing to England. [143]

Berlin, April 12, 1848.—Life is very sad and all classes of society in great agitation. The members of the Diet all left Berlin yesterday to seek re-election by their constituents. The fate of the country depends upon the manner in which this constitutional assembly is to be composed; it is therefore the duty of all right-minded people to attempt to secure a seat, and such is the general opinion; but many things may happen between now and May 22. A net-work of clubs enfolds the capital and the provinces ever more closely in its toils; outbreaks are of constant occurrence in every direction; the temper of the militia is doubtful; the audacity of the agitators, foreign complications and the infectious examples which have been set in the west and south and in certain disaffected quarters in the north and in the east, are enough to make any one lose his head; while the hesitating attitude of the Government and the absolute abandonment of any repressive measures are not calculated to restore confidence. The fifty little tyrants established at Frankfort will certainly do their best to turn the balance of things; no one has given them any mandate and yet every one obeys them. [144] 245 The state of affairs, as we see it, is utterly inexplicable; forecast is impossible. We must live from hand to mouth and be satisfied when every twenty-four hours have passed without some unusual shock. We see many bands of police passing through the town on their way to Posen or Cracow. The Polish landowners are giving their peasants full liberty, to avoid the danger of massacre at their hands. The Polish nationality is in arms against the German and no one can see which of the two will emerge triumphant, if attempts at reconciliation should fail. [145]

Sagan, April 20, 1848.—The state of public feeling remains disquieting. If the rebels confined their objections merely to the moneyed classes, the best of all possible courses would be to let them take what they want. People have so little money in hand that they would not get much: but in their frenzy they are ready to attack archives, titles, contracts, and in short anything that determines and settles landed tenure. They are also greatly inclined to ill-treat individuals and to set fire to barns and buildings, whether they are opposed or not. The position here has grown a little calmer although emissaries from the Jacobin club at Breslau appeared two days ago and are attempting to secure the adherence of the wretched little lawyers who are known in Germany as Die obskure Literatur. We heard that these agitators under pretext of holding a preliminary electoral meeting were attempting to raise a mob from the lowest of the people and to show them the quickest and easiest way of disarming the civil guard. Fortunately precautions have been taken and I have no doubt that if a demonstration should take place, it would be dispersed without bloodshed.

246 The wirepullers of the Berlin clubs are agitating against the form of election by two stages and are organising a great popular demonstration to offer a petition in favour of direct election, to the castle and the Ministry. I do not know whether they will be able to get many workmen together on this political question: possibly they might be successful, as the workmen are already greatly disturbed on the question of pay; from what I hear they are continually parading the streets. The other day there were serious disturbances directed against the bakers who were selling bread by fraudulent weights and who certainly deserved a lesson in consequence, though it was not the business of the people to give it to them. Meanwhile the workmen are contracting idle habits and learning to lounge in public: the workshops where they desire to work are closed by the wirepullers, and the tailors, for instance, are involuntarily on strike. I do not think there is any imminent danger of violence, but the general tendency of things is bad and may well lead to violence. The Poles have sent their ultimatum to Berlin. [146] They declined to lay down their arms or separate until their demands had been conceded. The authorities are busy deliberating and find themselves in a difficult position between these two peoples, for the Poles decline to consider the demands of the Germans who insist upon remaining German, and demand that a line of demarcation should be drawn, making Posen a German capital and giving Gnesen to the Poles.

Nobody knows what to believe of Italy, as the news from that quarter is so contradictory. Letters from Vienna are sad and depressing: England offers another spectacle, very different and very glorious for herself, but I must say that I 247 am furious to see Lord Palmerston, who has so largely contributed to this European upheaval, boasting of the comfort, of the glory and of the wealth of the English, which naturally increases with continental distress.

Sagan, April 24, 1848.—The following is a letter from Vienna sent to me by the Russian Minister, my cousin Medem: "Vienna is in a state of complete depression: there are no social gatherings; the Prater is deserted and the Opera is closed, as the public will not allow the Italians to play. Wallmoden has come to us from Italy; he is said to be here in the hopes of arranging a scheme with the Government, if not for resuming the offensive in Italy upon a large scale, [147] at any rate for regaining possession of Venice and the part of Frioul which is in rebellion. Communications with the army under arms continue to be confined to the Tyrolese passes. People are properly indignant at the conduct of F. Zichy, of Count Palfy at Venice and Count Ludolf at Treviso, who capitulated disgracefully without adequate reason. [148] Dissatisfaction and uncertainty of the future is general: every day the unpardonable sluggishness of the old administration, both civil and military, becomes more obvious. Their incompetency is quite incredible unless one has a knowledge of certain details. The peace of Vienna has not been seriously disturbed of late, but unpleasant demonstrations have taken place: these are provoked by unwise people, generally from abroad, who harangue the people in public meetings, in the Odeon or in similar places; 248 publications and inflammatory notices appear everywhere and foment uneasiness in the more sensible part of the nation, especially among the upper classes. It is quite time that this came to an end, and if it goes on the situation will become complicated. For the moment, at any rate, the state of affairs is much better here than in the capital or the Prussian monarchy, but what guarantee is there for the future?"

Sagan, April 30, 1848.—We have now reached the end of the second month of this upheaval, the shocks of which are, I fear, far from reaching their conclusion. At the present moment Europe is divided between electoral passion and the flames of civil war. Human passion is displayed in all its hideousness during the rivalry aroused by the elections: citizens fight with citizens blindly and furiously, while anarchy, disorder, restlessness, poverty, despondency and despair is the picture to be seen everywhere, with a few slight differences. Those people are only too happy who are but touched by a reaction which has spent its power and contrive to pass the day without personal risk, if not without anxiety. Here we shall see what the elections, which begin to-morrow, will bring forth, and what the attitude of the country will be during the voting and the counting. Meanwhile the Press and the clubs are working furiously. Every little town has its newspaper and every hamlet its orator. The audiences for the most part do not understand what they hear, but they obey like the sheep of Panurge. The working classes propose to lay down the law to the factory directors, who can sell nothing and therefore cannot increase or even maintain their output or improve the prospects of their employees. As for the poor people who work upon the land and the more prosperous class which finds employment on the railway, their labours have come to an end, and one really does not know what to do for them. People are dividing with them the last farthing and the corn from the barns, as they are the objects both of pity and fear.

Sagan, May 5, 1848.—The Grand Duchy of Posen is at present the scene of the greatest atrocities; civil war is in progress with unheard of refinements of cruelty. The 249 French newspapers do not know these facts or decline to state them, but the details which I have from first hand evidence are enough to make one's hair stand on end. On May 1 the Prussians were utterly defeated by the insurgents who, armed with scythes, disembowelled the horses. [149] Several Polish lords have been massacred by their peasants, and they can only secure their personal safety by instigating the peasants against the Prussian army.

Sagan, May 8, 1848.—To-day the electors chosen a week ago are to appoint the Prussian representatives. I think that undue hopes are being set upon constitutional assemblies, and I fear the result may show a general state of delusion. At Vienna the resignation of Count Ficquelmont was one of the most unpleasant incidents in the whole drama: [150] some students entered his house, declaring that they would no longer have him as Minister; he obeyed and would have run great risks as he walked to his son-in-law's house if Prince Clary and two students had not acted as his protectors.

Sagan, May 21, 1848.—The scenes at Paris on the 15th were frightful. [151] May Heaven grant that the Moderate Party will use its triumph energetically, and that it may not be too often called upon to celebrate such victories.

To-morrow the constitutional assembly at Berlin is to open. It is so strangely composed that any beneficial result will be truly miraculous.

Sagan, May 25, 1848.—My mind is full of Rome and of the Pope; [152] I can think of nothing else. I think that if I 250 had been the Holy Father I should have set sail for America with a few faithful cardinals, the poor persecuted monks and nuns and all the money and holy vessels that could be collected: I should have founded a settlement upon the model of that in Paraguay and could thence have governed European catholicism in full independence, just as the American Catholics have been governed for so long. I think the Romans would speedily have cried out for the recall of the Pope; in any case he would be at least sheltered from actual indignity and would not be obliged to sacrifice innocent people and the property of the church. Possibly my idea is absurd, but at all events there would be something magnificent about it; whereas the present scenes display nothing but humiliation and degradation.

I have read with interest and horror the stories of events in Paris on May 15 and my opinion is that the work of the deliberative assemblies will produce no good effect. I greatly fear that this will be the consequence at Berlin, while at Frankfort the assembly is a perfect babel. The Prussian newspapers already contain Jacobin outcries against the constitution and I doubt whether the King will be able to carry through the two-Chamber system, especially with the small fragment of hereditary right he is anxious to maintain. Breslau is a horrible centre of communism.

I hear from England that at Claremont domestic quarrels increase the painful nature of the situation. The sons, disgusted with their forced inactivity, reproach their father with the loss of his party; he is wondering what posterity will think of him; and this is all very unpleasant for poor Queen Amélie whose pride and joy have so long been the touching unanimity of her whole family. She is also in a very poor state of health. Their financial position approaches poverty. [153]

251 Sagan, May 28, 1848.—The Duchesse d'Orléans has settled at the court of Eisenach: she lives very quietly with her stepmother and the tutor [154] of her children, but no other attendants. Her pecuniary resources are very strained. The castle of Eisenach belongs to the Duke of Saxe Weimar, the uncle of the Duchesse d'Orléans, who has placed it at the disposal of his niece.

I hear from Vienna that all the Hungarians are breaking up their establishments and withdrawing either to the country or to Buda or to Pressburg; the Bohemians are going to Prague. In short, the pretty town of Vienna, once so cheerful and lively and so aristocratic, is becoming a desert and is as depressing as one vast village. Princess Sapieha and Madame de Colleredo have been deeply compromised in the recent disturbances; they have been forced to go into hiding. The Archduke Francis Charles has written from Innsbrück to Lord Ponsonby, asking him in the Emperor's name to join the court in Tyrol with all his colleagues.

Mr. Bulwer has come back from Spain; he had fomented a revolt at Seville against the Montpensiers who have been obliged to flee to Cadiz; the proverb, "Like master, like man" is certainly applicable to Palmerston and Bulwer.

Great excitement continues to prevail in the streets of Berlin, and the return of the Prince of Prussia who is expected daily at Potsdam, will probably produce an explosion. [155] Meanwhile Berlin is practically surrounded by a force of sixteen thousand men who can be used if necessary.

I hear from Paris that Madame Dosne is dying with rage to think that the revolution could have taken place without being aimed at her son-in-law. This information may be taken as literally true, as she was having her third attack of low fever. I also hear that M. Molé and M. Thiers are both 252 coming forward as deputies and that M. de Lamartine seems greatly apprehensive that the latter may be successful.

The atrocious scenes at Naples [156] have produced a bad effect at Berlin and street excitement is said to have become menacing once more. The citizens have seized the arsenal.

Sagan, June 7, 1848.—Mental equanimity depends upon a thousand petty circumstances in every case. Only those who are very young and know nothing of mental trouble, are able to avoid the thousand and one influences of times, places, things, and even of details apparently most trivial. I think that Saint Evremond says that the less people are amenable to pleasure the more they are afflicted by trouble.

Paris seems to be peaceful but at what a price has this result been obtained? Terrible refinements of cruelty have been committed.

Sagan, June 12, 1848.—The state of Berlin and Breslau grows steadily worse. The provinces are correspondingly affected and I expect to see civil war break out any day. The country populations are ready to join the revolutionary movement against their overlords and their priests, but they detest the towns. The peasants do not like the citizens and are royalists and supporters of the military, though they are against the nobles and the priests. The result is a strange confusion which heaven alone can disentangle. The assembly which has met at Berlin has been hitherto marked by no character except ignorance and disturbance.

Sagan, June 18, 1848.—The newspapers and my letters tell me that Germany is resuming its republican tendencies. Hecker has been elected for Frankfort. Confusion is thus inconceivable, especially in view of the increasing dislike which France shows for the deplorable government under which she placed herself four months ago. She must be 253 reduced to extremities indeed to turn to the Bonapartist flag, so miserably represented by Louis Napoleon who is known to be a very poor figurehead. And what can be said of the frightful scenes at Prague, and the assassination of poor Princess Windisch-Graetz. [157] I have also been very anxious on account of Berlin, where the pillage of the arsenal and the opposition to the Ministry in the Chamber have diminished the prospect of a peaceful solution; three Ministers, Arnim, Schwerin and Kanitz, have resigned.

Potsdam, June 23, 1848.—I reached here yesterday after staying for half a day at Berlin. Medem writes from Vienna to his colleague Herr von Meyendorff and speaks very mournfully of the vacillation and uncertainty that have prevailed at Innsbrück since the Baron von Wessenberg has been in power. I am not surprised; Wessenberg is a kind, clever and good-hearted man, but even from London days I thought him muddle-headed and this is a terrible hindrance to the conduct of affairs.

I have news of Prince Metternich: he is sending his sons to a Catholic college in England as he finds no one who will join his fate and act as tutor; he is also troubled by pecuniary embarrassments.

The reigning Grand Duke of Mecklenberg-Schwerin has increased the settlements upon his stepmother, in order that the Duchesse d'Orléans and her children may gain indirectly a means of greater comfort in life; a noble and tactful action.

The ministerial crisis here is still in progress and the street uproar has been thus succeeded by a political disturbance which is no less dangerous, when a Chamber is composed of ill-assorted elements as that of Berlin. There was a rumour yesterday evening that a telegram from Frankfort stated that the assembly in that town had elected 254 a dictator for Germany in the person of the Archduke John. [158] Here there was a wish for a triumvirate. Rumour consequently arose that Prussia had replied to this news by a protest.

Sagan, June 28, 1848.—I have returned to my domestic hearth. Though I have hitherto had no great reason to complain of my own corner of the world, I none the less feel that the earth is mined and is trembling beneath my feet. The district that I have just left seems to me to be terribly unsafe. At Paris blood is flowing. [159] For some days our knowledge of events there has been confined to telegraphic news from Brussels and is very uncertain. I merely know that my children are not in the town.

Sagan, July 6, 1848.—The struggle in Paris has kept me in a state of great alarm; fortunately none of my intimate connections have suffered anything beyond terror and panic. At present the country districts are becoming dangerous, and so my daughter Pauline has returned to the city with her son.

Here we are very little better off than in France, and when I consider the many centres of communistic doctrine in this part of Europe, I cannot close my eyes to the dangers that threaten us; the less so, as I am far from thinking that they can be crushed in the manner employed by Prince Windisch-Graetz at Prague and General Cavaignac at Paris. I propose to betake myself to Teplitz in a few days and am only awaiting an assurance that that part of Bohemia has been pacified.

255 Teplitz, July 18, 1848.—My journey here from Sagan passed off without incident, but poverty and restlessness are everywhere prevalent. The little kingdom of Saxony is, however, less disturbed than Prussia or than the Saxon Duchies of Thuringen, where the feeling is pre-eminently republican. At Dresden the Ministry is so Radical that revolutionaries could hardly wish for anything more. There is also an idea that the Saxon duchies would be united under the single and by no means monarchical sceptre of the good King of Saxony, who retains hardly a shadow of his royal power. Hitherto he has been saved by the fact that his Minister of the Interior wears no hat or gloves. [160] He is simply a rustic but is said to be honourable enough not to betray his master. Teplitz is almost empty and no one thinks of travelling. Apart from the Clarys and the Ficquelmonts, there is no one here except a few obscure paralytics. Herr von Ficquelmont regards the prospects of the Austrian empire in a very gloomy light and seems to disbelieve any possibility that the Archduke John may save it or that he may improve the future of Germany. His dealings with the Vienna students are either hypocritical or are prompted by unworthy or speculative ambition. At Frankfort he will soon have to struggle against the separatist tendencies, which are continually becoming more obvious in Prussia, not merely in high places where they might well come to nothing, but to an even greater extent among the masses, who have been wounded in their interests and their pride.

Teplitz, July 22, 1844.—We hear that there is still some disturbance at Prague, though it is sternly repressed by the iron hand of Prince Windisch-Graetz. Vienna remains in a complete state of anarchy. Herr von Ficquelmont told me yesterday that the population of Berlin was more tumultuous and more vicious than that of Vienna and that the governmental and administrative machinery was in far better order at Berlin than at Vienna. On the whole, they are two centres of disaffection.

256 Eisenach, August 8, 1848.—The Duchesse d'Orléans whom I have come to see is much changed and complains that she grows steadily weaker. However, she remains calm and reasonable and is not so disinclined as she was at first to open connections with the older branch of the family. However, the possibility of forming any such project seems remote. There is a feeling that dignity must be maintained, while at the same time no stone should be left unturned to improve the chances of the future. She is entirely without prejudice; her insight is clear and her judgment seems to be more direct and to have been fortified by the great lessons of recent events. She was quite open and kind towards me; remembrances of the Duc d'Orléans give us a real interest in one another, and she expressed this fact very graciously by telling me that for her I stood outside all family questions. She called her sons and said to them, "Kiss your father's most faithful friend."

Berlin, August 13, 1848.—Every evening there is some small excitement in the streets which is fomented by the deplorable proceedings of the assembly; moreover, the financial Minister, Herr Hanseman, is proposing laws destined to conclude our ruin. Claims are being laid by the former provinces which may degenerate into revolts and lead to civil war. The Pan-Germanic party and the Prussian separatists, between whom the country is divided, are already confronting one another in a hostile temper which makes the conflict imminent. No one can tell what the future may bring forth.

Sagan, September 9, 1848.—The ministerial crisis at Berlin seems to make a catastrophe imminent. [161] Civil war or foreign war may be expected and also a breach between the two constitutional assemblies of Frankfort and Berlin. In short, numberless eventualities present themselves and meanwhile private life becomes more and more impossible.

257 Sagan, September 16, 1848.—There are no Ministers at Frankfort [162] and none at Berlin. There is a total want of energy at Sans Souci and unfortunately the troops are showing symptoms of disaffection. Use was not made of them at the proper time, and agitators have been allowed to seize the opportunity for shaking their fidelity. The absence of all legal authority has again aroused the arbitrary greed of the rural populations, while the Chambers have failed to satisfy their anxiety for a definite settlement with the overlords: thus burning and pillage have been begun once more in Upper Silesia. Rothschild of Vienna who had a fine estate there has just seen it utterly ruined. The fact is that another bad outbreak is in progress and I am more anxious now than I have ever been, seeing that the loyalty of the troops has become doubtful.

Sagan, October 1, 1848.—Things here are going from bad to worse. The other night some evil-minded persons exploded bombs near the castle. Our precautions have been taken; my army of defence has been organised and if we are to perish it will not be without a struggle. I shall not run away, for I have no personal fear, as I am totally indifferent on my own account; and then people are always overawed by courage and determination.

Sagan, October 5, 1848.—The château of Prince Hatzfeldt has been attacked by peasants; [163] four of his farms have been burnt, and he has been obliged to flee. Here everything is comparatively quiet so far, but the morrow belongs to no one.

Sagan, October 9, 1848.—The post and the Vienna newspapers have failed to reach us since the day before yesterday. Current rumour ascribes this absence of direct news to sanguinary causes which are only too probable at the present 258 time. Every day brings some fresh horrors. [164] Last week we heard of the massacre of Count Lamberg at Buda; [165] the hanging of poor Eugène Zichy [166] who was so happy and so great a favourite at Paris ten years ago; he was hung by these barbarians in the island where robbers are executed. Yesterday we heard of the murder of the Comte de la Tour, Minister of War at Vienna, and of General Brédy. [167] The Black and Yellow party is fighting in the streets against the Hungarian party. If the Anarchist party triumphs at Vienna [168] it will be all up with Berlin and Breslau where people are living upon a powder-mine.

Sagan, October 25, 1848.—Everything here is in suspense and everything is being settled at Vienna. Hitherto it seems that the loyal army will dictate laws, but we dare not trust to these gleams of hope. In Austria, at any rate, an honourable struggle is in progress, and if failure should come honour will not be lost. As much cannot, unfortunately, be said of Berlin, and even if the side of right should triumph at Vienna will the victory be final? I doubt it and I fear we shall be living for a long time on a volcano.

259 Sagan, November 4, 1848.—A revolutionary outburst has just taken place at Liegnitz, comparatively close to me. It was necessary to use military force to quell it. At Berlin there is a riot almost every day; audacity and weakness daily increase. Yesterday the Ministry was at last changed: this might indicate a desire to revive energy; I fear that it is too late. The Assembly has been besieged, the Deputies and the Diplomatic Body imprisoned and threatened with hanging; the National Guard has been betrayed by its leader, while Sans Souci has been completely paralysed in the face of these events; and yet people ask if there is still any room for hope. [169] The successful measures at Vienna have not succeeded in inspiring Potsdam with any energy, and have greatly exasperated the anarchists who wish to deliver some striking blow to recover their power and to form a centre at Berlin for spreading their influence throughout Germany. The part played by M. Arago, the Minister of the French Republic, during recent days at Berlin, has been extremely ambiguous, [170] and any self-respecting Government would have sent him his passports, and lodged an official complaint at Paris. My wishes for Vienna have at length been realised. Windisch-Graetz has shown infinite patience and kindness, and only when the capitulation of the 30th was treacherously violated did he rage as he was bound to do, and as the infamy of the native authorities in Vienna deserved. We are still without details, but the main facts are official and we must regard them as providential. God grant that this may be the starting-point of a new era. Meanwhile anarchy, disorder, the want of repressive measures, and poverty are ruining the provinces. Orators are preaching murder and pillage unpunished to their popular meetings, and the results of these incendiary harangues may soon be expected. Really the state of things is frightful.

260 Sagan, November 19, 1848.—I think it would be advisable for Austria to add to such determined warriors as Jellachich, Radetzky, and Windisch-Graetz a younger and stronger politician than Wessenberg. It is said that such a man would be found in Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg; he has good friends, and has often been the object of great admiration. I saw him pretty frequently at Naples two years ago, and he showed me much kindness. He was a man of distinguished manner, clever, dignified, and cool, and his opinions and his speech were well weighed; but I do not know him well enough to say whether he will be equal to the heavy task which seems likely to fall upon him. Stadion, who is to share it with him, has been a friend of his youth, and their unanimity may produce fortunate results. I see nothing of the kind in prospect for Prussia, where warriors and writers, men of eloquence and action, appear to be utterly wanting in the present crisis. Every attempt now made is marked by a certain tactlessness which is far from inspiring me with confidence. [171] They are sheltering themselves behind Frankfort, and looking there for refuge, support, and protection. It is undignified, and makes no impression upon the enemy, while I think that this bulwark will prove to be futile. We must hope that the army is loyal, but we cannot help recognising that it is without enthusiasm, while its ardour is allowed to cool and disappear. The soldiers who are bivouacking in the streets of Berlin are suffering from the bad weather and are greatly depressed, so persons say who write to me and who are busy distributing soup and beer to support their strength and encourage their loyalty.

261 Sagan, November 26, 1848.—The last week has been a very difficult time; since Berlin was proclaimed to be in a state of siege all disaffected elements have fallen back upon Silesia; my workmen have been fired upon, and the red flag has been carried about. In fact, the situation looked menacing; but now that thirty thousand troops are sweeping the province we can breathe again, and if I can believe my last letters from Berlin, we are to enter upon a new era. On this subject I admit my incredulity, and I fear that it will not be dispelled for a long time; but the fact remains that disturbances have ceased for the moment, and for so much we ought to be grateful, for the feverish state of tension was becoming unbearable.

The death of Madame de Montjoye has filled the cup of misfortune for poor Queen Marie Amélie, whose only and most intimate confidential friend she was. As a result of drinking poisoned water at Claremont, [172] I hear that the King's teeth have become black. Relations between the King and his children are not invariably satisfactory, nor are the children agreed among themselves. Providence is subjecting these émigrés to every kind of hardship; possibly it is an expiation for the vote of the father and the usurpation of the son.

Sagan, December 1, 1848.—To-day the newspapers announce the programme of the new Austrian Cabinet, [173] which was very well received at Kremsier and has produced a rise in Austrian stocks. May God give us a strong and clever Cabinet, at any rate in that quarter. The Cabinet which ought to govern in Prussia, and which appeared ready to assume the iron glove, seems to me to show nothing but weakness, while the glove is distinctly rusty. All good Catholics will be greatly moved by the fate of Pius IX. 262 Notwithstanding the fact that with greater zeal than prudence he ran to liberal extremes, he remains the head of our church, the priest of God and a kind man, and his danger should stir our hearts to pity and to fear. [174] I hear from Berlin that Herr von Gagern has failed in his proposed object, and that the King was stronger than was thought, for he has thrust aside the show of Imperialism which Gagern had offered him on the condition that for this occasion only he would submit to the laws of the Frankfort Government. [175]

Sagan, December 6, 1848.—Rumour here very generally asserts that the worst of the storm has passed. I am by no means sure of the fact; electoral excitement will soon begin when the attempt is made to work the constitution that has been granted, and the results seem very uncertain. Anything, in truth, is better than this state of decay and confusion in which we are here perishing, but though the danger may assume new forms, it will not pass so quickly. The country is certainly becoming somewhat enlightened and growing weary of the state of things which reduces every one to utter misery; some better instincts are asserting themselves. 263 On the twenty-fifth anniversary of the King's marriage there was a favourable display of feeling, but too many elements of disaffection are still powerful and the Government cannot make itself respected. In Southern Germany, especially in Bavaria, people still seem to be in love with the proposal for sharing the power among three, particularly since Austria has concentrated her members to form one great monarchy. The old Prince William of Prussia who was nominated as a possible member of the triumvirate, has fallen into a state of mental weakness which would make him incapable of undertaking this task. Moreover, his son, Prince Waldemar, is dying at Münster of a spinal disease; it is a sad business, for he is a distinguished Prince and his death will be a final blow to his poor father. I doubt if the central power will last very long, as the King of Prussia mercifully persists in his refusal to accept the burden. It is said that the Princess of Prussia would have liked to see Herr von Gagern at the head of a new Prussian Cabinet. I do not think that this haughty character would have been willing to take so uncertain a position or to confront a Chamber so little amenable to parliamentary eloquence. In any case the King has rejected all insinuations, direct or indirect. It would indeed have been both foolish and utterly ungrateful on his part to dismiss the only Ministry which has had the courage and the capacity to raise the prestige of the Crown in some small degree and to turn events in the direction of conservatism.

Italy is in a pitiable condition. M. de Broglie will doubtless be deeply grieved at the death of M. Rossi, as it was he who brought M. Rossi to France, introduced him to politics, raised him to the peerage, and finally advanced him to the Embassy at Rome. I saw a great deal of him in the salon of Madame de Broglie, and afterwards at Rome; he seemed to me to be an astute and unpretentious character, less noble but cleverer than Capo d'Istria. [176] Their assassination was due to 264 the same cause; both attempted to play the part of Richelieu without due preparation.

Sagan, December 30, 1848.—The calm amid which Napoleon has assumed the chief power in France would tend to show that a desire for order and peace is rising in the country. Rumours are abroad of the abdication of the King of Sardinia and of a new and warlike Sardinian Ministry. [177] I hope that Radetzky will bring the rest of Italy to reason as he has done in Lombardy. Windisch-Graetz is before Raab, and it is hoped that he will have no great difficulty in entering the town. Great cold delays his march, and he is also hampered by the necessity of reorganising the civil government in the districts which he occupies. [178] Jellachich has been carried away by his impetuosity and captured temporarily by the Hungarians. [179] He was rescued by his soldiers. Windisch-Graetz has bitterly reproached him for his blind rashness which might have compromised the fate of the army, and the vital question of the Government. The Archduchess Sophie gave her son, the young Emperor, as a Christmas present a frame containing the portraits of Radetzky, Windisch-Graetz, and Jellachich. It is well to remind Sovereigns by outward signs of the duty of gratitude, which, as a rule, they find somewhat burdensome. And so the disastrous year of 1848 comes to an end! Heaven grant that 1849 may bring some improvement in our lives!

CHAPTER VII
1849

265 Sagan, January 11, 1849.—M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole business can hardly be taken seriously. [180]

Sagan, January 18, 1849.—The meetings preliminary to the Prussian elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse d'Orléans. I propose to go to 266 Dresden next week, to spend a few days there with my sister.

Dresden, January 28, 1849.—At Frankfort the future head of Germany was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a position of this kind. [181] This was a clever Austrian intrigue to disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.

Sagan, February 12, 1849.—I passed through Berlin on my return journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind. Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short, these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly; Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin are 267 characterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M. Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!

Sagan, March 1, 1849.—If I am to believe letters from Paris, there is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M. Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be heard but the shouts of servants—"The carriage of Madame la Duchesse, of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed as Monseigneur, a title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.

Sagan, March 31, 1849.—The political horizon causes me much anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing. This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary. [182] The only consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names of the victims are unknown. [183]

268 Sagan, April 13, 1849.—Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards, recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as I dare not question the future.

Sagan, April 21, 1849.—Yesterday I received letters from Paris which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de Poitiers, [184] communism is making great progress in France.

It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual vacillation of Prussia. [185] The asserted adherence of twenty-eight little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is only 269 conditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if, following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.

Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government. [186] Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and is afraid of Russia, [187] continues to oppose the occupation of Jutland.

Sagan, April 30, 1849.—The state of Germany does not improve. The King of Würtemberg has now yielded because his troops declared that they would not fire upon the people. [188] The Frankfort parliament is also adopting the most revolutionary means to force the sovereigns to submit to its laws. [189] The parliament insists that governments shall not dissolve their Chambers without the permission of the so-called central government. This wonderful decree reached Hanover and Berlin six hours after the dissolutions had been officially announced. General von Pritwitz wishes to be relieved of his command against the Danes because he is unwilling to obey orders from Frankfort and cannot command all the little German princes who severally wish to pose as masters. Denmark has already captured a large number of Prussian 270 merchant-ships. At Copenhagen, however, there is a desire for peace; Russia and England are also anxious for peace and so is Prussia, though Berlin cannot find courage to recall the twenty thousand men now stationed in Holstein and Schleswig. Frankfort is utterly opposed to peace, with the object of depriving the German princes of their troops and thus leaving them defenceless against the hordes of revolutionaries. In short, confusion is at its height and I think the state of Germany is far worse than it was four months ago. However, the dissolution of the Prussian Chamber which had become urgent since the Red Republic was proclaimed from the Tribune, will perhaps do some good. [190] It is especially necessary that the Austrian operations in Hungary should come to an end. Our fate will be decided there. Russia has entered Transylvania with a hundred thousand men: this number is regarded at Olmütz as unnecessarily large, but the Emperor Nicholas has declared that he will run no risks of a second failure such as that of Hermannstadt, [191] and that he will either hold aloof altogether or insist upon sending an imposing force. He also feels that he is fighting his personal enemies, the Poles, upon Hungarian soil. Twenty thousand Poles are said to follow the standards of Bem and Kossuth.

Sagan, May 10, 1849.—Storms are breaking in every direction and Germany is in a state of conflagration. There has been fighting at Dresden and at Breslau. [192] The Russians 271 have used the Prussian railways to invade Moravia; they have been warmly welcomed, for anything which will check the Hungarian struggle or bring it to an end will be a blessing not only for Austria, but for the whole of Europe, for the proceedings in Hungary encourage the disaffected, and foment insurrection in every direction.

Sagan, May 17, 1849.—To-day is a solemn date which I keep whenever it comes round with heartfelt and painful emotion. [193] The nearer the years bring me to a final reunion, the more do I feel the serious and decisive nature of the event that happened eleven years ago. May God bless each of those who bore themselves as Christians should on that occasion. This I ask of Him amid my misery with a fervour which will, I trust, make my poor prayers acceptable.

Sagan, May 25, 1849.—It is a real misfortune for the Prussian Government to have Bunsen at London. He is there playing an inconceivable part. Radowitz, whose intentions are excellent, but who is quite misled, is also complicating the situation at Berlin itself and is preventing the desirable and speedy solutions of certain questions. The King of Prussia has sent General von Rauch to Warsaw, to try and sooth the Emperor Nicholas, who is angry that the Prussians should have entered Jutland in spite of the promise given. [194]

Sagan, May 31, 1849.—With regard to the negotiations opened at Berlin, I have the following upon excellent 272 authority: [195] Four days ago a protocol was signed at Berlin between Prussia, Saxony and Hanover stating: (1) Everything that has been done to grant a reasonable and satisfactory Constitution to Germany; (2) That Hanover and Saxony in their desire to maintain order in their states, recognise and accept the military superiority of Prussia in the case of any measures that may become necessary to maintain peace within their states. Herr von Beust none the less makes the following reservations in the name of the Saxon Government: (1) That Saxony does not claim by this arrangement to infringe the rights of Austria as a member of the Germanic Confederation; (2) That if the great states in Southern Germany decline to adhere to the Constitution appended to the protocol, Saxony shall have the right to withdraw; (3) That this Constitution is to receive the sanction of the Saxon Chambers. Hanover has handed in a note containing identically the same reservations. The new Constitution has been explained in a circular note addressed by Prussia to all the German governments, inviting them to adhere. The Bavarian Minister, Herr von Lerchenfeld, has also signed the protocol, but only as a member of the conference and in the hope that his Government will find some means or other of adhering to the arrangement. Herr von Prokesch has been present only at the first conference, as Radowitz then declared from the outset that he could not treat with governments which would not recognise the general superiority of Prussia as a basis of negotiation. The haughty conduct of Radowitz is undoubtedly the cause of this deplorable want of unanimity among the crowned heads, at a time when indissoluble union is so necessary. With a little cleverness and without putting forward the question of supremacy as preliminary, he might have done great services to his King and to his country, for the other states would then have unanimously requested Prussia to take the leading position, whereas now they are inclined to regard these dictatorial claims as the expression 273 of views more ambitious than any that are really entertained. The result is jealousy and distrust which drown the voice of reason and blind men's eyes to the necessities of the times. Notwithstanding the presence of a new Danish envoy in Berlin, even an armistice seems very far distant. The last Danish concessions, though supported by Lord Palmerston, were haughtily declined by Prussia, which is making impossible claims and asserts that these alone can satisfy her honour.

Sagan, June 12, 1849.—Cholera has again broken out almost everywhere in this part of Germany; at Breslau, Berlin, and Halle the inhabitants have been decimated. In short, the state of the human race is most deplorable. My correspondents tell me that Lord Palmerston told Bunsen that he was tired of the Prussian demands, which required increasingly large concessions from Denmark, and that he proposed to abandon his position as mediator and become an active ally in conjunction with Russia for the protection of Denmark. Bunsen in relating this conversation to his Court added that the threat was not seriously intended. In this he is wrong, and is also deluding his Court.

Sagan, July 9, 1849.—I have had a visit from Baron von Meyendorff, Russian Minister at Berlin. He was going to Gastein by way of Warsaw, which is not the shortest route. His forecast of the situation was very gloomy, and more gloomy with reference to the north than to the south of Germany—I mean to say that he felt more forebodings concerning the nature of the Prussian destinies than of the Austrian.

Sagan, September 3, 1849.—General Count Haugwitz has been staying here for a few days; he came from Vienna where Radetzky was expected. The young Emperor, in order to receive the old Ajax, had delayed his departure for Warsaw, where he is going to thank his powerful ally. The latter is behaving most loyally and nobly towards his young friend and ward, for thus he considers the Emperor Francis Joseph. Paskewitch asked for mercy for Georgei which was 274 immediately granted to him. [196] Austria is anxious that a few Russian regiments should prolong their stay in Galicia for the moment.

Hanover, November 5, 1849.—Yesterday morning was spent in calling upon several acquaintances in the town and paying my respects to the Crown Princess. She is kind and gentle, and I saw her two children with her. The third is expected this month. The Crown Princess showed me several very interesting portraits of her family. I was especially struck by those of the Electress Sophie, the patroness of Leibnitz and the ancestress of the Royal Family of England. She must have been very pretty, with the somewhat long and noble features of the Stuarts. I also saw a charming portrait of the sister of the Crown Princess, the Grand Duchess of Russia, wife of the Grand Duke Constantine, a clever, lively and striking face; her character is said to correspond with her expression, which fact makes her more suitable for the Court of St. Petersburg than she would be here, where her elder sister seem to have been expressly made to fulfil her sad duties. [197] There was a great dinner given by the King. I sat between him and the Crown Prince. I never saw a blind man eat more cleverly without any help except that of instinct or habit. At nine o'clock I went back to tea with the King, which was taken privately with him and the person known here as the Countess Royal (Frau von Grote), my brother-in-law and General Walmoden. The King lives upon oysters and ices, a strange dietary, which seems to suit his eighty years marvellously. While we were with him a despatch arrived from Vienna, which he asked the Countess to read aloud. [198] It stated that Austria 275 had sent a note to Prussia in most serious language, protesting against the convocation of the so-called Imperial Diet, and that at the same time the movement of the army towards the frontiers of Bohemia and Silesia was rapidly proceeding; some sixty thousand men were said to be there concentrated. Prince Schwarzenberg replied to the questions of Count Bernstorff, the Prussian Minister at Vienna, stating that the convocation of the Diet at Erfurt had aroused democratic agitation which threatened the realm of the Duchess of Saxony, and that these troops were consequently intended for their protection and their defence in case of necessity.

The Archduke John had looked forward to a quiet unostentatious meeting with King Leopold; [199] instead of this he was received with great solemnity. Frau von Brandhofen and the little Count of Meran had no part in the ceremonies, and were sent to make a railway tour in Belgium incognito. When they reached Brussels they made an unexpected entry into Metternich's drawing-room, which was the more remarkable, as the relations between Prince Metternich and the Archduke John had always been cold and strained. The politeness of Metternich simplified the matter.

Eisenach, November 7, 1849.—I left Hanover yesterday morning and arrived here in the afternoon. I sent word of my arrival immediately to Madame Alfred de Chabannes, who at once came to my hotel. We talked for a long time about the little émigré Court, of which she at present forms part; I use the term émigré, although the Duchesse de Orléans is doing her utmost to avoid obtruding the anomalous nature of her position. At the same time inconsistencies cannot be entirely obviated, and arise from the nature of the situation: for instance, the opposing parties are represented among those about her; there is a coalition and a 276 separatist party. She declines to belong definitely to either, and does not like people to say that she is opposing coalition though she will not take the first steps towards it. At the same time she has not allowed any one to declare hitherto that she would not be opposed to it. She fears that the first step to coalition would disgust her adherents in France, whom she thinks, in my opinion, to be more numerous than they really are, and this though she sees that her truly reliable adherents are growing less every day. The names which seem to cause her the most despondency from this point of view are those of Molé and Thiers. I saw the Duchesse d'Orléans alone for half an hour before dinner; we were interrupted by the Duc and Duchesse de Nemours. I found the Duchesse d'Orléans in no way outwardly changed, except that her features may have lost something of their refinement; her spirits were more despondent, though she showed the same placidity and even dignity, but her energy has decreased and she is inclined to feel herself overwhelmed by unpleasant incidents, which are due to people rather than to things. She is humiliated by the degradation which has overtaken France, and shows much insight into the state of Germany, characterising the so-called central power and the parody of imperialism at its true worth. The Nemours, who are strong supporters of Austria, refer to Lord Palmerston with much bitterness. They are really coalitionists, and are on their way back to Claremont from Vienna; she is fresh and pretty, and ventures to assert her opinions, which are positive; he has grown stouter and much more like the King, especially in his way of speaking, as he has at last found the courage to express himself; he speaks sensibly, but with no style or distinction, and in this respect he was always wanting. The letters of his brothers which have been published are not approved by him in any way. He fears that the law may be adopted which may recall his family to France, and he does not wish to see his brothers hastening back again. [200] This is all very well, but I repeat he is wanting 277 in the spirit of energy. He will never be of any account, and will never take any practical part, and remains a distinguished nonentity. The Comte de Paris is much grown and fairly good-looking, as his shyness had disappeared, but he has a squeaky, disagreeable intonation of voice. The Duc de Chartres has become much stronger and very noisy. The three Nemours children seem quite nice. After dinner, which began about seven o'clock, we stayed talking until nearly eleven o'clock. Boismilon is a strong separatist; Ary Scheffer was also there, and seems to me to be one of the zealot party, an attitude which M. de Talleyrand used to distrust.

The Princesse de Joinville has been confined of a still-born child and was in considerable danger. The child's body was taken to Dreux by my cousin, Alfred de Chabannes, who gave no notice of his intention. It was laid in the family vault, mass was said, and only when all this had been done did M. de Chabannes inform the Mayor of his actions. The ceremony was very properly conducted. Madame de Chabannes also told me that when her husband went to visit Louis Philippe at Claremont for the first time after February, the King said, almost as soon as he saw him, "What would you expect; I thought myself infallible." The observation seemed to me strikingly true and to be a remarkable admission.

The Duchesse d'Orléans proposes to return to London in the spring to take the Comte de Paris to his first communion, for which he is being prepared by the Abbé Guelle, who frequently instructs him at Eisenach.

Berlin, November 8, 1849.—On my return here I found my brother-in-law, who had come back from Dresden, where the state of public feeling is said to be going from bad to worse. The Ministers have been unable to obtain from the King of Saxony any decree for the capital punishment even of the 278 most guilty, much to the indignation of right-minded people and to the exasperation of the troops who fought so admirably last May. The arrogance of the rebels has greatly increased in consequence. The King's prestige has sunk so low that his salutations are not even returned in the streets.

Yesterday was the anniversary of the installation of the Brandenburg Ministry, and there was a great entertainment in the rooms of Kroll in the Tiergarten: all the Ministers were present, and a feeling of great loyalty is said to have been manifested. However, in another part of the town a so-called religious celebration was in progress of another anniversary, the shooting of the famous Robert Blum. [201] There was thus entertainment to suit every taste, and I fear that the taste for red ruin is by no means blunted.

A letter from Paris which I find here tells me that the situation in France is entirely in the hands of the army which is divided between Cavaignac and Changarnier. The former is entirely republican and the latter will listen to nobody. Since Louise Philippe wrote his letter to Edgar Ney [202] at Rome Changarnier is said to have appeared less frequently at the Elysée. The President is therefore inclined 279 to transfer the command of the Paris troops to General Magnan.

Madame de Lieven is delighted to return to Paris, and paints England in the blackest possible colours. She wears a bonnet in the style of Deffand, praises the president of the republic, and does her best as formerly to attract every shade of political colour to her house. She seems to have succeeded so far as to be frankly astonished that no one makes any mention of M. Guizot, whom she is expecting in December.

Berlin, November 12, 1849.—I spent almost the whole of yesterday at Sans Souci with the King and Queen, who received me as kindly as ever. Prince Frederick of the Low Countries, who arrived from the Hague, gave a very bad account of the situation in that direction. Resignation, abdication, and regency are words openly pronounced. The young King is despised, and the young Queen is not popular or the Dowager Queen either. In short, their position is quite precarious. The King of Prussia is expecting the proclamation of the Empire at the Elysée and all eyes are turned upon France.

A letter from Vienna which I received yesterday, tells me that beneath all the military display, some new causes of 280 anxiety are obvious. The peasants are very displeased with the new system of land taxation, by their obligation to redeem the tithes and to pay indemnities by way of compensation for all that they expected to wrest from their overlords. The nobility consider the equality of taxation to which they are subjected is a hardship and a hateful innovation. The hodweds [203] who have been drafted into the regiments, are disseminating very bad ideas. The young emperor is rather short and arbitrary with his old generals; in a word, if our neighbours have not to confront the same difficulties that prevail here, they have many reasons for disquietude.

Sagan, November 21, 1849.—A letter from Paris dated the 14th says: "An amnesty has been proclaimed by the President to seven hundred and fifty very undesirable people: this bid for popularity may cost the author of it dear, for these people will return in a state of exasperation and will have to be made targets of some day or other. [204] Underneath all the leanings to imperialism, which seem to be spreading, there is one question which is very undecided, at any rate where I am concerned: this is the future action of General Changarnier, [205] for though he is on excellent terms at present with the president, I doubt if he will adhere to him in a time of transition, and such a time would then become an inevitable crisis."

Sagan, December 2, 1849.—The tall Theresa Elssler, who for several years has been the mistress of Prince Adalbert of Prussia, is to become his wife under the title of Frau von Fischbach, a title derived from the estate which the old Prince William holds in the Silesian mountains. There the late Princess William was laid in the odour of sanctity, and it is somewhat shocking that this name of all others should be conferred upon a quondam theatre dancer. [206] At Sans 281 Souci this marriage has caused considerable displeasure, but with the habitual weakness which is there characteristic, consent has been given.

Another scandal is about to appear at Berlin of more import. This is the probable acquittal of Waldeck whose trial has been attracting the general attention for a long time. [207] They have been so entirely foolish as to choose as President of the assizes a weak-minded magistrate, the father of a barricade hero, who shows the most brazen-faced and clumsy partiality for Waldeck. The jury are constantly receiving anonymous letters, and their verdict will be given under stress of intimidation. It is deplorable, for the consequences might be very serious.

Sagan, December 6, 1849.—The ovation given to the ruffian Waldeck after his acquittal seems to have been scandalous enough to necessitate military interference. I have no details as yet, but the post will doubtless bring them to-day. I am of the opinion that we are about to enter a period of outbreaks, and this opinion is strengthened by the fact that the Poles are beginning their processions again, and whenever they appear, one may be sure that there is a snake in the grass, to use a vulgar expression.

I have just finished reading the life of Madame de Krüdener. She was quite a peculiar character, but the story of her life is somewhat tiresome and my own conclusion is that Madame de Krüdener, who was always deluded by her own vanity, was frivolous for that reason during her youth; that vanity afterwards led her to literature and finally to missionary work; but vanity has an honesty of its own, and precisely for that reason can display prodigious credulity. As a mystic Madame de Krüdener has not the loftiness of Saint Theresa or the quiet grace of Madame Guyon; her would-be clever letters are heavy, and when she tries to soar aloft the leaden structure of her wings is obvious. There must have been some force of attraction in her speeches and addresses, 282 for without some special gift she could never have produced results which contain a certain amount of humbug and on many occasions some reality.

Sagan, December 10, 1849.—I was very sorry to read the day before yesterday in the newspapers the announcement of the death of Queen Adelaide of England. The news carried me back to that pleasant time when I had the honour of seeing her, and was treated by her with a kindness which I shall never forget. She was a noble woman who bore herself with grand and simple dignity in positions that were difficult for several reasons.

There is some small excitement at Sans Souci, on account of the concentration of the Austrian forces upon the Saxon frontier. It would seem that General Gerlach, who at this moment has considerable influence with the King of Prussia, has been sent to Dresden to bring matters to a conclusion. If these troops are only intended to clear Saxony of the Reds in case of necessity, who are more audacious there than anywhere else, this intervention would be regarded as equivalent to Russia's action in the Grand Duchy of Baden, and nothing would be said; but certain would-be clever people wish to regard the movement as a veiled threat against the Diet of Erfurt. [208] In this case it is probable that it will not pass without comment.

Sagan, December 12, 1849.—I have read the speech delivered at the admission of the Duc de Noailles to the French Academy. [209] It is written in very fine language with real 283 loftiness of style and thought, and is marked by a correctness and purity worthy of the best epochs of taste and literature: the ideas are noble and both prudent and dignified; some passages especially please me, notably those concerning Pascal and Voltaire, with a clever transition, bringing the subject back to M. de Chateaubriand. However, the speech has one defect in my opinion, that it places its subject upon too high a pedestal, and that if it does not exaggerate his talent it certainly gives too high an estimate of his character. The Duc de Noailles with very correct taste touched but lightly on the Mémoires d'outre-tombe, for this gloomy legacy reveals the writer's barrenness of heart, excessive vanity and acrimonious character, while his talent often disappears beneath the exaggerations and bad taste for which clumsy imitators of this school are often blamed. However, all eulogies before the Academy are prone to exaggerate the merits of their subjects; as they are condemned to draw a portrait without shadows, the truth of their colouring suffers in consequence, and the real features are often obscured. These faults are due rather to the accepted style of oration than to the orator, and for them he cannot be blamed. Yesterday I began the sixth volume of the Mémoires d'outre-tombe. This contains a sketch of Napoleon's history with which M. de Chateaubriand padded his own Mémoires in reference to himself; the whole is written with a view to effect, but with no great feeling for truth. I was greatly struck to find a passing eulogy upon M. Caulaincourt in spite of the Duc d'Enghien; in other respects the same malevolence towards the human race is obvious, and the same hatred for M. de Talleyrand.

Sagan, December 14, 1849.—I hear from Paris that Madame de Lieven sometimes lays aside her Deffant bonnet in favour of a toque of black velvet with white feathers, which is the last word of fashion. She goes into society and is seen everywhere; she has even procured an introduction to Madame de Circourt where the ultra-Catholic society meets; she is trying to find recruits there for her salon, and is especially anxious to attract M. de Montalembert.

284 To judge by an article in the Friend of Religion, our dear Bishop of Orléans [210] has gained another triumph at Notre Dame, a triumph for the faith by which he is inspired and for the friendship of which he is the object. I expect a hymn of praise from my good Pauline on this subject.

Sagan, December 16, 1849.—A letter from Berlin of yesterday's date says: "The German question is more confused than ever, and no one can foresee the issue. The only decided point seems to be that of the elections for Erfurt, in spite of Austria, whose language, though moderate, none the less shows a strong determination not to give way. From this you may deduce the probable consequences, none of which I should care to guarantee."

My perusal of the sixth volume of the Mémoires d'outre-tombe brings on a succession of nervous shocks. M. de Talleyrand appears at every moment, and is treated with a fury which of itself counterbalances the author's malicious tendencies, though of these a good proportion survive; in any case in which M. de Talleyrand really acted, the author is silent: where his influence was small, he attacks him with furious invective, and all this because he is trying to prove that his pamphlet, Bonaparte and the Bourbons, brought about the restoration of 1814. For instance, when he is driven into a corner a cry of grief escapes him, and he says: "My poor pamphlet was crushed by the foul intrigues of the Rue de Florentin." In this outcry we see the true explanation of his furious rage. Vanity of vanities! I trust for the sake of this hero of vanity that he seriously asked pardon from God before he was taken to the rock of St. Malo, which his vanity again has chosen as his last resting-place. As he could not choose his cradle, for which he would doubtless have selected an eagle's nest, he has been careful to ensure that his tomb should be a picturesque point of pilgrimage. But who will say that while tied to this rock he is not devoured by the vulture of conscience? I would not deny that my poor uncle has been a great sinner, but I would prefer to stand 285 with his feeble conscience before the Throne than with this mind full of anger, malice, gall and enmity, the revelation of which now permits us all to judge and to condemn him.

Salvandy has paid a visit to Claremont, and reports that some words of wisdom were spoken. Apparently the inhabitants have learned by experience and now recognise the value of right. Young and old say that they are ready to lower their flag to this principle, and to serve it. I fear that those at Eisenach are by no means so advanced as yet, for I have had a letter from Madame de Chabannes; on leaving Eisenach she went through Brussels and spent two days there to see the Queen. When at length she returned to Versailles, she found her husband was also returning from Claremont. She writes to me as follows: "To my great regret I found the Queen of the Belgians extremely anxious for coalition. England wishes to maintain the status quo in France in order that this poor country may plunge deeper in the mire. Hence Lord Palmerston is intriguing in every possible way to avoid the possibility of regeneration. King Leopold simply echoes Downing Street [211] upon French but not upon German questions, and Queen Louise is of her husband's opinion. A snare has been spread for the Duchesse d'Orléans by inviting her to consider a new combination—a proposal to induce the Duc de Bordeaux to abdicate, to which he will certainly never consent. In this you may recognise the punic faith of the modern Carthage. My husband has been commissioned by Claremont to give the password to our leaders here, and I know that the Legitimists have been informed of Louis Philippe's conciliatory attitude; but parties are broken in the numberless factions. The Legitimists are no longer drilled as they were, and some would prefer the Comte de Montemolin to the Comte de Paris. I often think of your prophetic words at Eisenach, to the effect that this desirable coalition, which might have produced such great results six months ago, has now missed its opportunity, and that every day's delay diminishes its possible importance and utility. But how is one to destroy such inveterate prejudices, in which self-esteem 286 is so powerful a factor and petty subordinate ambition so energetic?"

The following is an extract from a letter which I have written to the Duc de Noailles to thank him for his speech before the Academy: "My dear Duc, you have gained a brilliant success before a great and sensitive audience. I propose to offer you one less brilliant and more remarkable from the depths of my solitude. I was busy reading d'Outre-tombe when the Journal des Débats brought me a report of your magnificent speech; I admired it, although it contains nothing but praise of a man against whom my instinct has always revolted, and who has become the object of my deep aversion on account of the persistent jealousy manifested in his acrimonious confessions. But as I read your speech I had only to consider yourself, and I understood that you were not allowed to be a judge, but were forced to be a eulogist. I can therefore honestly say that my applause is the greatest triumph that your words can have gained, and perhaps also the greatest proof of my friendship. I am also convinced that precisely because you were thinking of me, it must have been difficult for you to draw a portrait without shadow, and to deprive it of truth precisely as you have added to its lustre. Disregarding the question of truth, I have been keenly delighted by the purity, simplicity, and taste—unfortunately now so rare—of your language which has given me infinite pleasure. The elevation of thought corresponds to the delicacy of feeling; political prudence has nowhere infringed literary dignity, while supporting it with a tactfulness alike clever and felicitous."

Sagan, December 21, 1849.—A letter from Paris, which I received yesterday, contains the following passage: "Political conditions are calmer for the moment, but the majority of the Assembly are divided by several class divisions, and apparently the dangers of the street alone can force them to unite. This is no great guarantee of security, and gives a touch of bitterness and sadness to all conversations. The best of friends entertain opposite ideas, and argue 287 vehemently, so that social relations become difficult and unpleasant. Madame de Lieven alone seems perfectly contented, and quite delighted with her stay in Paris; she continues to make as many new acquaintances as she can, and is especially attentive to people in power, and sorry that she cannot go to the Elysée."

Sagan, December 26, 1849.—An incident which I regard as very vexatious has struck me—the discussion proceeding in the daily Press concerning the advantages, the inconveniences, the forms and conditions of the coalition, so long desired by all the true friends of France. It seems to me that nothing could be more fatal to the chance of a successful issue than thus to bring discussion before a public which is partial, prejudiced, ill-informed and often both malicious and ignorant. I fear I was correct at Eisenach, when I said that I feared it might be already too late to take a step which should have been burst upon the public unexpectedly, and have made the impression of an accomplished fact. Such a step would then have produced its full effect—would have decided waverers, gathered together all right-minded people, united the recalcitrants, and apart from a few courageous spirits, a vast number of timid minds would have been soon gathering round this one standard. Now, if it should be unfurled, it will appear shattered and torn by the missiles of journalists and the invectives of the wretched subordinate intriguers whom I was sorry to see about the Duchesse d'Orléans.

Apparently Vienna wishes to make some social effort to please the young Emperor. Last year the Emperor was greatly attracted at Olmütz by his cousin, the Archduchess Elizabeth, who has just lost her husband: though the Emperor consoled himself, it is said that some sparks of his early ardour remain to him and that very possibly the young Archduchess, who can easily be consoled, might become Empress when her mourning is over. She is nineteen years of age, is pretty and has one child. [212]

288 Sagan, December 30, 1849.—In France the conflict of opinion is obvious. One party are confident that they will secure the empire within a month; the other party are equally certain that the principle of legitimacy is immutable and universally recognised, so that their triumph is assured; the merchants say that they would prefer the family of Orléans, while the Socialists mock at all these dreams and regard their own accession to power as certain. As the parties would only unite in order to combat the Socialists, these last may very well find a favourable opportunity eventually.

In two days we are to begin a new year and to begin also the second half of the nineteenth century. What a half-century this last has been, and what catastrophes have marked the conclusion of this epoch of disturbance and madness! During the first years of this half-century we were emerging from chaos, and in chaos the last years of it have plunged us. Heaven alone knows to what depths we shall fall. May we at least be able to die peacefully in our beds; desires and hopes can go no further than that wish, although to desire even so much may seem excessive.

CHAPTER VIII
1850

289 Sagan, January 3, 1850.—The weakness of the Prussian Ministry is inconceivable and so is the utter confusion which the new laws, whether proposed or granted, produce throughout the administration of the country. It is a case of quoting:

There is an ancient prophecy in Prussia dating from the reign of the father of Frederick II. which says that his fourth successor will be the last Hohenzollern to reign over Prussia. There seems to be really some reason for believing this prediction. It is proposed to establish uniform laws from the banks of the Rhine to the Carpathians: this is sheer foolishness, as manners, civilisation, and interests are utterly different. The Landwehr which is now very loyal will be retiring next year and will be replaced by a new levy of very disaffected character; in short, wherever we look, nothing but decay is to be seen and uneasiness spreads apace. However, the Danish negotiations have been vigorously resumed at Berlin and are said to be safe in the hands of Herr Usedom.

I hear of a curious fact from Paris; all the factories are in full swing, but business can only be done for ready money; bills at three months simply cannot be discounted; the bank has just as many coins and as much bullion in its cellars as it has notes in circulation. This fact, perhaps unexampled 290 hitherto, demonstrates mathematically that there is not the smallest confidence in the near future and that the people are living from hand to mouth.

Sagan, January 9, 1850.—I hear from Paris that M. de Persigny has arrived at Berlin, [214] with many proposals and with the fixed idea of forming a triple alliance between France, England, and Prussia. This idea, however, does not originate with him, but with that infernal Palmerston. Vienna was informed of the proposal at the outset and Prince Felix Schwarzenberg made it public through the newspapers, but in spite of this publicity it is said that the proposal has not been abandoned. Prussia will be offered Saxony and Thuringen and prospects will be held out with regard to Hanover after the death, which is probably not very remote, of King Ernest Augustus: in exchange Prussia would be asked to cede the Rhine provinces; Prussia replies that France should be contented with the Bavarian parts of the Rhine which, in the views of the Elysée, are sufficient. Such is the point which this intrigue has reached, for we cannot dignify it with the title of a negotiation. M. de Persigny tells himself that if he is successful he will make certain of the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs for himself, to which he aspires, and also secure the empire for his master, who is equally ambitious in this direction. Another correspondent from Paris writes to me: "Those who were liberated under the amnesty and have been restored to their families by the President are doing more harm in one day than all the scoundrels of Paris in concert. They are so full of gratitude that they threaten to kill the President. Many of these men are convinced that their wives brought about their arrest and they are therefore searching for proof to rid themselves of their better-halves."

Berlin, January 12, 1850.—A parliamentary crisis is now in full progress here. The King has been unwilling to take without some reservation an oath which he desires to keep 291 but which is repugnant to his political conscience. [215] The Ministry absolutely required a law from the Chambers concerning the Press and the clubs if it was to govern, and therefore urged the King to take the oath to the Constitution, as otherwise he could expect nothing from the Chambers. Such was the dilemma. Violent scenes took place between the King and his Cabinet. The latter was determined to resign and to force the King to yield. When matters were in this situation two very influential personages, General Rauch and Baron von Meyendorff, [216] intervened. The Ministry was informed that its exploits hitherto had been so glorious that it could afford to act in a high-handed manner, and that to put pressure upon the King in order to endow the country with a detestable Constitution, was unworthy of it. The Ministers were directly informed that their weakness had aroused general disgust, that they had shown no comprehension of their duty and that when the danger of riots was passed they had distinguished themselves only by their incapacity; they were obliged to hear some very stern truths. On the other hand attempts were made to soothe the King's feelings by attributing a firmness to him which is thought to be due to the Queen's influence. The result of all these comings and goings is the royal message which does not reform everything that is bad, but places certain landmarks in the country by which people can guide their steps. The Ministry has frankly adhered to the King, I am told, who has now emerged from his period of obscurity. The next question is whether the Chambers will accept the arrangement. It is thought that they will agree, because the Cabinet asserts that it will resign upon refusal, and the Chambers know that a purely reactionary Ministry would take its place immediately. The 292 Second Chamber, which is anxious to avoid a dissolution, is terrified by this combination, and it is hoped that it will yield before this menace which may become reality.

Berlin, January 17, 1850.—Your observations concerning women who interfere in politics and concerning the dangers which they may run in consequence, are perfectly correct. [217] I think it may be said in justice to myself that at no time have I meddled with such matters and that I have never taken part in politics except against my will. Far from attempting to satisfy my self-esteem by such means, I have always been terrified by my responsibility. If, in consequence of my exceptional position, I have been well informed and have even been asked for my advice and have exerted some influence upon the decision of important matters, I have at any rate not lent either my name or my energies to an intrigue, nor do I ever desire to play the part of a political woman; in this respect I have always been ready to yield to others who were more anxious and probably better fitted for such an occupation.

Here public opinion is absorbed by the parliamentary crisis which has not yet been settled, while much doubt and great difference of opinion prevails concerning the result and its consequences. The King has been so harassed and tormented that after a struggle of several hours the day before yesterday, he was quite exhausted, sent for his cloak at nine o'clock in the evening, and went for a walk in the park of Charlottenburg alone and on foot through the snow, to refresh himself and recover his spirits in the open air. He was inclined to dismiss the Cabinet, dissolve the Chambers, and summon those who are here called the reactionaries. General Rauch prevented this move: no doubt he was right, because energetic measures can only succeed in the hands of those who will shrink from none of the consequences of vigorous action.

I spent an hour yesterday with the Countess of Brandenburg, where Herr von Meyendorff showed us a letter which he had just received from Madame de Lieven. Her letters 293 are always pleasant reading as she writes with sprightliness, is quite natural, and always has plenty to say. In this letter she said that Lord Normanby is undisputed monarch at the Elysée where he is doing his best to promote the imperial movement; that the President has broken with the bigwigs and devotes himself entirely to his evil counsellors; that the Assembly is more divided than ever, for the leaders defy one another in no measured terms, Molé calling Broglie a respectable nonentity, Thiers calling Molé an old woman and the latter replying by "cad." In short, confusion in France is complete, but is it not so everywhere, unfortunately? In such general turmoil it is very difficult to preserve any clearness of view or definite opinions; when insight is clouded it becomes weakened and only the heart can remain a certain guide at a time when all calculations are deceptive and when instinct alone can provide the guiding clue through the labyrinth.

Berlin, January 19, 1850.—The present moment here is an interesting time by reason of its critical nature, and if I took the same interest in mundane affairs as I used to do, I should now be all ears. Yesterday rumours of concession suddenly came to an end; a large number of Conservative deputies and important persons in the town outside the Chambers, signed a petition to the King begging him not to yield. Bethman-Holweg, who is not a deputy, took this petition to Charlottenburg yesterday evening.

Berlin, January 24, 1850.—Apparently Radowitz has arrived here and is less energetic in urging the King to concessions than had been feared: he also seems to have brought many letters from Gagern to influential members of the Chambers, urging them to obey the King for the reason that their refusal would probably endanger the whole constitutional edifice of Germany. Next week will bring us a final solution.

Berlin, January 25, 1850.—Yesterday evening I went to a concert at Charlottenburg where hardly any one listened to the music, as all present were preoccupied with 294 the probable events of to-day. The parliamentary battle is opened this morning.

I hear from a good source that M. de Persigny is secretly intimate with a somewhat disreputable band of politicians, and that as he cannot find a welcome in any salon, he spends his time with a circle by no means suitable for one in his official position, either from ill-temper or from boredom or from instinct. In this way he has been carrying on a series of petty intrigues for some time. His proposals are being considered and he is given hopes of success; but no serious negotiations are begun with an official and with a Government, neither of whom can be taken seriously.

Berlin, January 26, 1850.—Yesterday evening at a ball given by Count Arnim-Boitzenburg, the Meyendorffs told me that M. de Persigny had paid them a long visit the evening before and had explained to them his Bonapartist and Imperialist theories, asserting that they alone aroused popularity in France. By way of proof he concluded with the statement that in the villages of France whole families could be found on their knees before the picture of the Emperor Napoleon, asking for the return of the Empire. This is a most audacious invention. He came up to me at this ball and asked after my daughter, saying that he had had the honour of making her acquaintance at the house of M. de Falloux, with whom he asserts that he has been intimate for the last eighteen years. [218]

Berlin, January 27, 1850.—Yesterday at eleven o'clock in the evening the debate upon the royal message was not concluded. There was every prospect that Arnim's amendment would be adopted. He proposes to postpone for two years the law concerning the organisation of the Chamber of Peers and to make this Chamber in any case composed solely of life members and not hereditary: this two-fold concession would make the measure entirely illusory and would merely confirm the uncertain nature of the provisional arrangements. It is sad, serious, and fatal.

295 The Austrian Minister Prokesch, after being snow-bound for six days, and the Prince of Leiningen, the brother of Queen Victoria, have arrived from Vienna. The former is staying at Berlin and the latter proceeding to Frankfort-on-Main; both are delighted with the young Emperor. They say that if Prussia is not loved at Vienna, England is particularly hated and France entirely disregarded.

The real leader of the Austrian army is the young Emperor, and his chief of the staff, General von Hess, is his clever instructor. All the orders to the troops and all military measures proceed directly from the Emperor without any intervention or counter-signature on the part of the Ministry. This is a fact of some importance. Leiningen was also greatly struck by the attitude of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg; he spoke of him as the firmest and even the boldest Minister to be found anywhere.

Berlin, January 28, 1850.—Arnim's amendment passed by a small majority which it would not have had if fifteen Poles had not abstained from voting. The paragraph in the royal message referring to the fidei commissum was rejected because several deputies on the Right went away, as they were hungry and sleepy! This fact will show the kind of parliamentary customs that prevail. The Ministry, who merely wished to patch the matter up, has been satisfied, but is so no longer. The King expresses himself as displeased, but I am afraid that he will eventually swear to this deplorable Constitution, as soon as the first Chamber sanctions the work of the second.

Some one tells me from Paris that he has seen M. Guizot and found him in no way exasperated or disappointed, but calm and firm. In speaking of the feeling in the Assembly and in what is still called society, he says that people are not sufficiently uneasy, but too depressed.

Berlin, January 29, 1850.—A person who recently came from Vienna told me that Prince Schwarzenberg was steadily pursuing a proposal for a commercial treaty with the Italian States, to the great wrath of Lord Palmerston. The Vienna Cabinet declares that as long as England entrusts 296 her diplomacy to this Minister, it will disregard English representations upon continental matters and go its own way. The chief point of dissatisfaction at Vienna is the Pope with his weakness and vacillation; and Rome has thus become the most disquieting point in Italy. Here people are gloomy and uneasy, and their minds are occupied with the numerous intrigues of recent days which produced the vote of the day before yesterday. A curious fact is that Count Arnim-Boitzenburg now tells any one who will listen, that the famous amendment is not his but was arranged by Radowitz and that he has merely lent his name to it. The fifteen Polish deputies say that the reason they abstained from voting was because the Government has promised them unheard-of concessions for the Grand Duchy of Posen if they refrained from voting on this very amendment which the Cabinet declared the evening before that it would never admit. Other deputies have been persuaded by references to the wish and desires of the King. The King declares that he has been misrepresented; in short, it is an abominable and disgraceful state of confusion. The Left are highly delighted. This deplorable comedy is, in my opinion, the last stroke which will overthrow the tottering edifice; when no one has any confidence in his neighbour, and when no one knows upon what to rely or where to find sincerity and firmness, people soon lose the courage of their opinions, remain as though paralysed, and even lose the instinct of personal defence. Thus they slowly descend towards the abyss which yawns to receive its prey.

Berlin, January 31, 1850.—Yesterday there was a rumour that the King would come to the town on Sunday and take the oath to the Constitution of 1850 in the great white room of the council where the Diet of 1847 sat. There will be stands for the spectators. I certainly shall not swell the number of the curious.

Berlin, February 2, 1850.—If my uncle had lived he would have attained his ninety-sixth year to-day. God showed him great mercy in taking him away before the beginning of this 297 new phase of revolution, so profound, so destructive, and so final; a revolution which at his death had lasted fifty years, according to him. I think that we can now see the end of it, so near are we to the bottom of the abyss, but I doubt if we shall have time to rise again to the upper air. The newspapers yesterday mentioned February 6 as the day fixed for the King to take his oath.

Berlin, February 4, 1850.—A reliable informant who has arrived from Frohsdorf says: "There is at Frohsdorf a sincere desire for reconciliation and reunion, but not in France. The old Conservative party, led by M. Guizot, are asking for union, and would obtain it, were it not for the obstinacy of the pure Orléanists, who are represented by the members of the former Opposition. They include some very influential men in their ranks, among others the Duc de Broglie. Recently, in a meeting of journalists, M. de Rémusat spoke very strongly against the coalition, basing his arguments not upon any dynastic dislike, but upon the unpopularity of the nobles and the priests, who made legitimacy, according to him, hateful and deadly. This is a fatal attitude to adopt. The divisions which are rising deprive the Orléanist party of all strength, and every one seems to be playing the game of Louis Bonaparte, or, what is worse, that of the Red Socialists." Another letter, also from a very reliable source, which I received yesterday from Paris, dated January 31, says: "The French Government is much more reasonable than I had expected with reference to the communication which it has recently received concerning the Swiss affair. [219] The matter will be decided ad referendum. Probably no final attitude will be adopted on this point, but no support whatever will be given to Switzerland, from whence the wind of Socialism blows over France, and also upon Germany and Italy. Finally, no 298 engagement will be made with England, a point of primary importance. In the Assembly, the side of the Montagne is about to create a stir; possibly there will be an armed demonstration at Lyons under the influence of the Socialists, who are there numerous; no apprehension in consequence is felt here, and perhaps even no resentment will be shown. At London they will be furious. Ellice, as he left here yesterday, said that Lord Palmerston was going to do all the mischief he could. Ellice, Whig as he is, seemed very uneasy on account of the bad disposition of his friend of Downing Street."

As I have thus begun to repeat political gossip, I may also say that a prompt resumption of hostilities over the Danish affair is expected. The people of Schleswig are allowed to arm themselves and make preparations, and before long there will be a general rising which may have serious consequences. Negotiations do not advance. The haughty language of Radowitz upon questions affecting Germany daily adds fuel to the fire, and so embitters the relations between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin that one has more reason to expect war in the near future than the continuation of peace, although a conflict between the two great German Powers would be utter madness in the eyes of the most far-sighted. The Emperor Nicholas has recently said that he thought an almost universal war in Europe was inevitable next spring. It is said that Austria proposes to promulgate a new tariff law, so widely framed as to produce great political advantages to itself, which will be a crushing blow to Erfurt and will give Lord Palmerston an epileptic fit.

Berlin, February 7, 1850.—Yesterday was a remarkable day in the annals of Prussia; the King took the oath to the new Constitution. There were no stands, or spectators, or court officials present, and no princes or princesses. The King is said to have been greatly moved, and to have delivered a very touching speech which he had not communicated to his Ministers. He did not regard himself as a constitutional monarch until he had taken the oath, and the speech was 299 the last echo of the old régime. The King and some of the Princes dined with the gentlemen of the Chamber and certain well-worn toasts were given. All the Polish deputies have resigned in order to avoid taking the oath; Count Hochberg-Fürstentein-Pless, a rich Silesian lord, has done the same. Twenty-six other Deputies stayed away under pretext of illness. And such has been the day and the deed which is to lay the cornerstone of the new edifice.

Berlin, February 12, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff had a letter yesterday from Madame de Lieven. She says that the scene on the 4th at Paris during the removal of the trees of liberty, [220] a foolish act of provocation on the part of the police, was enough to bring about a revolt, armed intervention and the introduction of the Empire, of which the Elysée continually dreams, though Changarnier seems to have pronounced against it.

I hear that Herr von Bernstorff, who was puffed up with Prussian haughtiness two months ago, has changed his tone; that the despatches which he writes from Vienna are all inspired by great fear of war, and beg people here to avoid it at any cost. Herr von Schleinitz is disgusted, and is impatiently awaiting an opportunity to ask for the post at Vienna in exchange for the Ministry to which Bernstorff will probably be called. Radowitz had promised Schönhals and Kübeck, the Austrian plenipotentiaries at Frankfort, to sign, in company with them, the decree referring to Mecklenburg. However, he left Frankfort without performing this promise, and attempted to excuse himself upon different pretexts. Schönhals then sent him word that if he did not sign within three days he himself and Kübeck would leave Frankfort, and that the last bond 300 would be broken. Radowitz then hastily left Erfurt to give the required signature; such, at least, is the story that I heard yesterday.

Berlin, February 13, 1850.—Yesterday the King presented to the Second Chamber a law authorising the borrowing of eighteen millions of thalers for military preparations. The Chamber considered the matter and appointed a commission. There is doubt that this authorisation will be obtained. The First Chamber also made its nominations for Erfurt yesterday; the choice fell upon the democrats. Herr von Meyendorff has no doubt that his Sovereign will regard Lord Palmerston's recent action as a further piece of impertinence, when he accepted the intervention of France in the affair with Greece [221] and ignored the offers of Russia. England is asking for a new armistice between Denmark and Prussia, and as the armistice now in force was largely disregarded by Prussia, who has decidedly encouraged and supported the insurrection, the Danes are not inclined to fall into a new trap. Prussia has not only failed to recall General von Bonin, but actually lent him to the insurgent government of Schleswig-Holstein, where he publicly wore his Prussian uniform. The Danish envoys here can get no reply from the Government; Herr von Usedom will not see them and negotiates only with their adversaries.

Berlin, February 14, 1850.—I admit that every Government has its difficulties, and that the number and diversity of the complications should be guarantees against violent means of settling them. In a word, I agree that if war should break out it will be the most irrefutable symptom of madness upon one side, of weakness upon the other, and of bewilderment in general; but unfortunately these aberrations are contagious 301 and make such progress before my eyes that any one who, like myself, can observe all the inventions of bad faith and haughtiness, speedily grows anxious for the future. If we can get through April and May without the sound of the cannon I think that peace might last between the great powers, at any rate for a year or two; this would give people time to breathe, to turn round and to get their affairs in order; but I am sadly afraid that between this date and May 15 at the latest we shall once more be in the midst of a conflagration. My own opinion is that the latter part of the month of April will definitely settle the possibility of war or peace. At the present everything points to a general conflagration in the near future. Lord Palmerston is doing his best to promote it, and M. de Persigny, with his eyes upon the right bank of the Rhine, is also working vigorously. Here, with marvellous stupidity, people run into every snare and take a delight in alienating their natural allies.

Berlin, February 23, 1850.—I spent the evening with the Meyendorffs, the house where the most authentic news is oftenest to be obtained. Yesterday's news was more peaceful. Two incidents serve to calm in some degree the warlike ideas in progress here: in the first place an individual has returned who has been sent to inquire into the military preparations in Bohemia, in the existence of which there was general disbelief. His report has fully confirmed the rumours. Then M. de Persigny has made an inconceivable blunder. Feeling hurt because overtures were made directly to Paris through Hatzfeldt on the Swiss question, he took umbrage and picked a quarrel with Count Brandenburg a few days ago. He said that France would not permit the employment of coercive measures against Switzerland, and that an opportunity of crossing the Rhine with two hundred thousand Frenchmen and of fighting in Germany would be all to the advantage of the President. In short, he showed his teeth so clearly as to give rise to subsequent reflections which might have been made a little earlier. Whether these reflections will be sufficiently strong to induce a more prudent attitude I cannot say. Persigny is completely done for: he 302 came here with proposals of peace and will probably go with the threat of which I have spoken; his policy shows neither intention nor consistency. The newspapers represent French domestic affairs as growing worse day by day, and the attitude of her representative here is therefore more inexplicable.

Berlin, February 24, 1850.—To-day is a serious and very tragical date: it marks the downfall of what was called modern society, and very falsely called civilised society, as experience has shown.

A letter from Madame de Lieven received here yesterday predicts further catastrophes in France in the near future; the result in her opinion will be a temporary military dictatorship in the hands of Changarnier.

The King of Hanover has written a letter which I have seen. He says that he has spent some very disagreeable days and that he had a crow to pick with his Ministers, and had much trouble in converting them to his opinion. However, he has succeeded and has broken the last tie of connection with Berlin to begin closer relations with Vienna.

Sagan, February 26, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday afternoon. In the train I met Herr von Benningsen, the Hanoverian Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was going to Vienna for forty-eight hours to gain information, and was then to return at full speed to his Sovereign's side. This visit will doubtless cause much displeasure at Berlin. [222]

Sagan, February 28, 1850.—Count Stirum passed here yesterday on his way from Berlin, and told me that the Electorate of Hesse had definitely and officially broken with Prussia. I hear that the King of Hanover has officially announced to the Prussian Government his secession from the Prussian Bund, but that he has been obliged to yield to his Ministers, who absolutely decline any alliance with Austria, because Austria is in favour of a Single Chamber, while the Hanoverian Ministers want two. I suppose that Herr von Benningsen went to Vienna to make all these 303 explanations. The poor King of Hanover is therefore completely isolated.

Sagan, March 1, 1850.—We are entering upon a month that has been notorious and fatal in the annals both of ancient and modern history. Heaven alone knows what kind of Ides it has in store for us at this point of the half-century. Dates and anniversaries inspire terror, and I feel that we are standing upon ground that is undermined.

Sagan, March 6, 1850.—Yesterday I had some letters from Paris. On the 2nd of this month Paris was in much perplexity concerning the approach of the elections, and news from the provinces caused some anxiety; the Red Party was rising once more. Social pleasure and the follies of dress are not checked in consequence, and are, indeed, carried to an appalling degree. The Grand Duchess Stephanie has been received by the President with the greatest honour; he gave her an establishment apart from his own, in order that her movements might be quite free, and summoned the Diplomatic Body in uniform to be introduced to her. She received the introductions seated in a chair of state, which was a strange sight at the house of the President of the Republic, and provoked some caustic remarks. She is to spend a month at the Elysée, and will then live with her daughter, Lady Douglas, who will arrive at Paris in a few weeks. As the Grand Duchess was ready to receive people of every shade of opinion while she was at Baden, many people who do not visit the President have asked permisssion to call.

Sagan, March 7, 1850.—Letters truly alarming have reached me from Paris. Those who see everything in a favourable light flatter themselves that there will be a change in the English Cabinet, and that this will produce an immediate effect at the Elysée, where Lord Normanby's influence is more powerful than ever on questions of domestic as well as foreign policy. His advice is far from excellent, and is usually given in the evening at the house of the President's mistress, amid the petty amusements which fill the Presidential hours of leisure. On the Swiss question Lord Palmerston will again direct the President's action; his 304 instincts are warlike, whereas those of his Ministers are pacific; but the Ministers have no authority over Prince Louis or over the Assembly, which distrusts them and distrusts the President yet more. The President's attitude, again, upon the Greek question is even more Palmerstonian than upon the Swiss question; in a word, every problem which arises in Europe, whether involving a conflict or mere rivalry, will be treated with inconsistency and certainly concluded in confusion. France is also greatly distracted. I am told that the President has definitely decided to grasp the first opportunity of breaking with the Assembly and of crushing it. In short, his 18th of Brumaire and his Imperial cloak have been prepared; he is waiting his opportunity, champing the bit meanwhile. Probably his struggle against the Reds will give him an opening, and he believes that the public danger will secure him the public support. All eyes are turned upon Changarnier, who is the great puzzle of the moment; no one can divine his intentions, and he maintains so impenetrable a reserve as to lead observers to infer that he thinks himself master of the situation; there is, in fact, no doubt that he will check the coup d'état, but in the excitement of civil war some popular movement might be begun which would sweep away even Changarnier himself. Everything will thus depend upon the extent of this struggle and of popular excitement. Will the Reds fight? People seem inclined to think that they will, and the outbreak is even expected this month, while the news from the provinces is most serious. The provinces threaten to overthrow Paris, and to deprive her of the long power of initiative which she has exercised upon politics and revolutions. It is certain that the President is not the man to meet this decisive crisis; for the last six months he has sunk in the opinion of all reasonable people; he is surrounded by advisers of the worst possible colour, imbued with absurd and dangerous ideas. But in spite of all this and even more, the conclusion seems inevitable that there is no one at present to take his place, and that he must be endured as he is. Obviously France could only be saved by a military dictator who would overthrow 305 universal suffrage, the Press, the jury, the National Guard—in short, everything that poisons France and infects Europe with its contagious miasma. If the Comte de Chambord or the Comte de Paris were to return to France to-morrow, I doubt if they could do what is necessary; such action seems only within the competence of an exceptional and irregular power. Hence the wish for a military dictatorship with full power, which, when the present crisis is over, would return the regular power to the hands of a Government sanctioned by tradition. But is this the view of God's providence, or is the old world to fall asunder in blood? Will ferocious hordes quarrel over our remains? Who can say?

Sagan, March 11, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that M. de Persigny thinks that he has done an excellent stroke of business by inveighing against Prussia before the Austrian Minister, to whom he said that two thousand Frenchmen would soon make an end of the propensities of Neuchâtel. Thereupon Prokesch, who is a somewhat rough and violent character, turned white with rage, and trembling with fury, told the little favourite that he would endure no such language at his own house, and that in spite of the coolness between the Courts of Vienna and Berlin, he would assure M. de Persigny that when the first French soldier had crossed the Rhine in hostility to Prussia, the whole of the Austrian forces would come and help their old ally to stem the revolutionary flood. On this vigorous outburst the little man beat a hasty retreat. He is said to have begun intrigues with the Prussian demagogue party, feeling that he has not sufficient influence over the Brandenburg Cabinet. The latter body, unfortunately, is a perfect weathercock, continually doing and undoing, beginning and abandoning, advancing and retiring with the most deplorable ineptitude that can be imagined.

Sagan, March 12, 1850.—The people of Schleswig say that if they are not sent a million and a half of crowns they will attack the Danes alone on April 1. The Danes reply that if they are attacked they will immediately seize all the German ships, and upon this occasion there will be no 306 question of restoration. Thereupon Rauch was sent to Schleswig with the most vigorous instructions to dismiss Bonin, and to recall all the Prussian officers; but three hours later the Cabinet was terrified by its own unusual display of energy, and sent fresh instructions after Rauch by express messenger, so much milder in purport that no definite result can be expected.

Sagan, March 14, 1850.—General von Rauch sent back his son to Berlin to ask for more definite instructions, as those which he bore could not command obedience. However, the Minister of War [223] is afraid to send orders for the recall of the Prussian officers serving in Schleswig-Holstein, for the reason that a crowd of Poles are ready and waiting to take their places. This fact gives rise to a fear that the scenes at Baden of last year may be repeated, [224] when it was necessary for the Prussians to send a force into the provinces.

Sagan, March 21, 1850.—General von Rauch has returned from Holstein without securing any result. The people of Holstein are penniless, but they propose to maintain their army by authorising pillage, and as the said army is composed of bandits, the prospects are cheerful.

The Duchesse d'Orléans is staying with her nephew Schwerin at Ludwigslust. [225] This is a farewell visit. It is thought that the parting will be long, if not final, for the Princesse has sent for a large supply of jewels, boxes, pins, rings, bracelets, &c., from Paris, which she is scattering round her family circle before starting for England.

M. de Persigny apparently thinks himself more remote from the pleasant little combat to which he looked forward at Paris, for it has been noticed for several days that he is less cheerful and boastful.

307 Sagan, April 9, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff writes from Berlin: "The policy of Radowitz and Bodelschwing which was rejected by the majority in the Council of the Ministers, has entered upon a new phase, and it is now a question of cutting down to the size of a dwarf the coat which was originally cut for a giant on May 29, 1849. [226] The idea of a Constitution for the Empire has been abandoned and there is simply to be a union of States reduced to its most simple form, that is to say maintained within the limits of Prussia's natural sphere of influence where common material interests prevail." The King was the first to start this new policy, and one of his chief supporters was General Stockhausen: Prokesch thinks that the prospects of the Government have improved, in which case the improvement must be very obvious indeed. Bernstorff, however, who is always stiff and narrow-minded, is unable to bring about the necessary understanding. At Vienna there is no great feeling in favour of Prussia, so that heaven knows how much time will be wasted.

Sagan, April 23, 1850.—Lady Westmoreland arrived here yesterday with her daughter. She brought no very encouraging political news: she expects armed intervention on the part of Russia at a near date upon the Danish question. A Russian fleet with troops ready for disembarkation is preparing to watch the Duchies; whether Lord Palmerston will leave the glory or the trouble of the affair to Russia or whether he will decide to join her will be known in a few days.

Lady Westmoreland had a letter from the Queen of the Belgians saying that her father was much tired and changed and had grown a good deal older after a violent attack of influenza; she was proposing to make a journey to England to see him.

Sagan, May 1, 1850.—The reply expected from London upon the Danish question reached Berlin on Saturday evening. The simultaneous and identical proposals of Meyendorff 308 and Westmoreland are fully approved and the latter is authorised to give vigorous expression to them, as indeed he is doing; but it seems that the strongest words have little effect and that acts will be required to change the attitude of the Berlin Cabinet. Reedtz and Pechlin, the two Danish plenipotentiaries, are at the end of their patience and complain of the snares that have been spread for them; all are growing bitter and exasperated and the most clear-sighted believe that some violent outbreak is in near prospect.

Sagan, May 3, 1850.—The Congress of Princes [227] which was to assemble at Gotha, is now to meet at Berlin on the 8th of this month; for this reason the marriage of Princess Charlotte of Prussia with the Prince of Meiningen has been postponed to the 18th which will hardly please her, for though young she is deeply in love and in a great hurry. [228] She is a charming person of whom I am very fond and who is very fond of me, but I think that Meiningen is too small a theatre for her extreme energy, and that her future husband is too milk-and-watery to suit the electrical vivacity which she has inherited from her mother. This tendency has been restrained by an excellent education.

Sagan, May 7, 1850.—Humboldt tells me that as England has delegated all her powers to Russia upon the Danish question, and that as Meyendorff's language was threatening and very decided, Berlin has resolved upon pacific measures. Heaven grant that it may be so! He also says that he does not think that the Congress of Princes at Berlin has been fully attended, and that in any case it will lead to no great result, and that the convocation of the old Diet at Frankfort by Austria daily becomes a more formidable danger.

Madame de Chabannes writes telling me that she is very displeased with the Orléanist party, even more than with the party that is opposed to it. She says that the most 309 acceptable proposals are forthcoming from the Comte de Chambord; that the young Orléanist princes are all in favour of a family compact; that Louis Philippe, who has grown much weaker, is vacillating; that the Queen of the Belgians, under English influence, is hostile; and that the Duchesse d'Orléans, who receives but incomplete information from Paris, will give no definite reply.

Sagan, May 8, 1850.—Lady Westmoreland writes to me from Berlin under yesterday's date: "The castle at Berlin is being prepared for the stay of the princes invited to the Congress; it has been possible to arrange seventeen separate sets of rooms; if these should prove inadequate, the extra princes will be lodged in private houses at the King's expense, but probably not so many as seventeen will come; hitherto the only certainties are the Duke of Coburg, the Duke of Brunswick, the Grand Duke of Saxe-Weimar, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the two Grand Dukes of Mecklenburg. As for the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, he has sent word that he will come and explain to the King in person why he could enter the restricted union. General von Bülow is starting for Copenhagen to-day; he is commissioned to treat for a separate peace between Prussia and Denmark, and not to touch the questions of the Duchies, or Germany, or mediation; when I say 'treat for' peace, I mean that he should make proposals to this end, as the negotiations are to be carried on here. It has been decided to send a plenipotentiary to Frankfort, and it is supposed that Herr von Manteuffel, the Minister of the Interior, will go. The important question is whether he will appear as the Russian plenipotentiary or as representing the restricted union by himself; in the former case there will be a great retreat on the part of Prussia, and in the latter, Austria will decline to join."

Sagan, May 12, 1850.—Yesterday I had a letter from Berlin of which the following is an extract: "You will see the list of the princes who have arrived, as it is in the Gazette. They are all here except Nassau and Hesse-Darmstadt, but it is not to be supposed that they are 310 all agreed. The Duke of Coburg wished to have a preliminary conference in his own rooms with the other princes before to-day's session at the Castle, whither they were invited by the King to hear a speech and afterwards to dine. The Duke of Coburg was astonished and vexed to find that every prince has his own way of regarding the question, and that they will not submit to his proposals. Mecklenburg-Strelitz, Hesse and Oldenburg declared themselves entirely opposed to the Prussian tactics, and the Duke of Brunswick, though favourable to the Bund, [229] has views of his own upon the subject, which are not those of Coburg. Manteuffel is not going to Frankfort, and this question remains unsettled."

M. de Persigny, who has returned from Paris, declares that all parties have gathered to the support of the President, that they propose to take the most energetic measures, and that all danger is passed. Prokesch has been appointed to Constantinople; it is said that his place here will be taken by General Thun.

Sagan, May 13, 1850.—I have received two letters from Berlin, one in German; the following is an extract from it: "The Congress of Princes is proceeding admirably; little business is done, but there is plenty of occupation. Military displays are unending, and are varied by monster dinners, while in the evening there is the opera, The Prophète, parties, and balls. To-day a reception is given by Meyendorff, to-morrow by Redern, on Monday by the Prince and Princess of Prussia, on Tuesday by the Westmorelands, on Wednesday by their Majesties; and then, thank heaven, the conference is closed. The Princess Regent of Waldeck arrived here on Thursday for the great dinner in the White Hall, which was a fresh cause of joy to the spectators. As Princess Regent she has been given precedence of all the princes. The King shows extreme politeness towards his guests: instead of giving his arm to the Queen and leading the way for the other 311 princes, he took in the Princess of Waldeck and the Queen was taken in by the Grand Duke of Baden. The Princess looks very well, is admirably dressed in black on account of her widowhood; but unfortunately, in respect of loftiness of bearing, she in no way yields to General von Neumann and seems even to have borrowed some of his ill-timed affability; I fear that this evening she is likely to become unduly lively at the Meyendorffs' reception, where the support of the Court will be lacking. The ladies will certainly forget the Regent, and will regard her only as a Princess of Waldeck. The Duke of Brunswick was not present at the dinner, as his claim of precedence over the Duke of Coburg was disputed. Yesterday dinners were given by Prince Charles and Prince Albert of Prussia, that the King and Queen might have a breathing-space. In the evening the Opera Hall was magnificent, and the large drawing-room which approaches the royal box was beautifully decorated and illuminated; the boxes for the foreigners had been thrown into the royal box, and proved hardly large enough for the princes and their suites; the audience was so absorbed by the sight of them, that they turned their backs on The Prophète during most of the performance and devoted their attention to the German Union; their interest was naturally increased by the appearance of the King in the large box, where he took the third place by the side of the Princess Regent of Waldeck. The Queen remained alone in her little box, where she was not even in full dress; after the first act the King took the Regent for a few minutes to see the Queen.

"The speech addressed to the Princes by the King is said to have been most dignified. He begged them to consider whether they could follow in loyalty and faithfulness the path which he had taken, adding that if they were of a different opinion, they need only follow another road and diverge from himself, in which case he would feel no vindictiveness; but if they preferred to follow him they must march loyally wherever he carried his flag. Yesterday 312 evening in a session of the Ministers, differences, disputes and quarrels were only too obvious: the Administrative Council was present to listen; Hassenpflug immediately protested against their presence, and eventually it was necessary to close the session almost as soon as it had begun. The result was an interchange of letters in anything but polite tone between Brandenburg and Hassenpflug, but no session; in short, the first attempt at a session made an end of the union."

The other letter is from Lady Westmoreland: "The Princes met in private in the rooms of the Duke of Coburg, who is anxious to take the lead and would like to dominate the rest: offence has already been taken in consequence, by the Duke of Brunswick in particular. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, who is represented by his eldest son and the Elector of Hesse-Cassel, speaking for himself and for the Grand Duke of Hesse-Darmstadt, declared their inability to consent to any act which might bring about a Prussian Union, until the Frankfort Assembly had decided the great question which is there under discussion; all the other Princes declared themselves devoted to the Union and to the Prussian policy; they were, however, far from unanimous among themselves, and while they made the same profession of faith, every one wished to interpret it in a different manner; some were anxious to attack the political question in the reply to be presented to the King's speech the next morning, but it was decided only to send a polite and formal reply. Yesterday the Ministers of the Princes held their first meeting and discussed their course of action. To their great astonishment they saw Herr von Radowitz arrive with all the members of the Verwaltungsrat. [230] Thereupon the Minister of Hesse, who is violently opposed to all Prussian tactics, as you know, rose and declared that these gentlemen had no concern with the discussions of the Princes' Ministers who could not possibly continue a frank discussion in the presence of men whose acts they would probably have to criticise, and the acts of Herr von 313 Radowitz more than any others: he is then said to have declared that he was there to support the friends of the Union, and that were it not for him the Prussian Government would probably yield beneath the attacks of the hostile Princes; a fine compliment, you see, to Herr von Brandenburg and his Cabinet. The result was great confusion and an interruption of the session before anything had been settled. Such has been the beginning of the Congress. There were some interesting episodes: the Duke of Oldenburg and his son in particular are such enthusiastic partisans of Radowitz and Gagern, &c., that the father delivered some remarks before the meeting of the princes which were generally regarded as far too emphatic. The next day his son happened to be at the house of Meyendorff and delivered so unseemly a tirade against Austria, that Meyendorff was forced to take him to task. The King saw each of the princes separately upon their arrival. He listened very patiently to everything that the Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Strelitz said to him and replied, to the great astonishment of the latter, that he was quite of his opinion, especially with reference to the proposal that nothing should be done until the result of the Frankfort Assembly was known. I am afraid he may have told every prince that he shared his opinions. In any case nothing will be decided by his opinion, whatever that may be."

Sagan, May 5, 1850.—Letters received give me details concerning Claremont, precisely coinciding with what I already knew: no overtures or suitable measures may be expected from a family which will never pardon the elder branch for becoming its victim, when the younger branch has usurped the rights of the legitimate orphan. As the elder branch has no reason for self-reproach with regard to the Orléans family, it is much more conciliatory and more ready to hold out the hand than the other branch is to offer the little finger. Only great souls or minds of a really high stamp can pardon those whom they have injured.

The entertainment at the Opera at Berlin seems to have been magnificent, but at the supper, by some inconceivable 314 carelessness, no one remembered M. de Persigny: in a fury he left the theatre-hall where the invitations had been sent round. The next day an aide-de-camp was sent to him with apologies.

The Prince of Prussia and the Duke of Wellington will be godfathers to Queen Victoria's last son, [231] who is to be called Arthur William Patrick, the last name being a compliment to Ireland.

It appears that the two Mecklenburgs, the two Hesses, the Grand Duke of Baden, and the three free towns have withdrawn from the Union. No positive statement has been issued, as the conference was still in progress, but the rumour seemed highly probable. On this question the Duke of Coburg is in such a fury that he said he would like to strangle the recalcitrants with his own hands. The question of the presence of Radowitz at the meetings has been settled by the King's formal desire that he might have a seat at the meetings in order that he could offer the assembled Princes the advantage of his talents.

Sagan, May 16, 1850.—A letter from Berlin dated yesterday says: "At a long conference yesterday the princes patched up some sort of a reconciliation and the refractory members consented to withdraw their proposals for leaving the Union, in view of the fact that they have all resolved to send their plenipotentiaries to Frankfort under certain conditions; they have also decided to form a provisional government for two months. The majority seem well pleased that they have thus avoided a rupture which would have deprived the Union of so many members. On the other hand Prokesch is furious and declares that Austria will never consent to the conditions of the princes. The calmer spirits on the contrary believe that Austria would be well advised to let them all go to Frankfort and not to force a dissolution which the nature of the situation will inevitably bring about. As the mission of the princes is thus practically finished, they will take their leave to-morrow and the next day, except the Duke of Meiningen who is 315 staying for his son's marriage. Sir Henry Wym, the English Minister at Copenhagen, has arrived for a consultation with Lord Westmoreland and Meyendorff concerning Danish affairs. I have no doubt that a conclusion will be reached."

Sagan, May 23, 1850.—Herr von Meyendorff writes to me from Berlin under date the day before yesterday: "I have this morning received news of an attack upon the King's life which was committed yesterday and full details of which you will see in all the newspapers, [232] but the following is a curious fact which naturally will not appear in any newspaper. The King said to some one present who repeated his words to me exactly, 'I was warned of this attempt; it is a plot which also threatens other Sovereigns.'"

Sagan, May 25, 1850.—From a large number of letters which I have received from Berlin I can confidently infer, in spite of the inexplicable efforts which the Government has made hitherto to represent the assassin as a madman acting on his own initiative, that he is simply an emissary from that frightful association of regicides, which has its headquarters at London, and which makes a business of procuring wild fanatics who are given arms and known as "the blind." The Government had received warning of the attempt. There are said to be five of these emissaries in Berlin. Meyendorff and Prokesch rushed to Herr von Brandenburg and Herr von Manteuffel, urging them to take advantage of this providential miracle and of the warning which it provides to close the clubs, adopt strict measures and terrorise the faction meetings; but weakness and cowardice are at their height and the Government think only of saving the criminal. Alarm is reasonably felt in view of the possibility of similar incidents at Warsaw and Vienna. [233]

Sagan, May 29, 1850.—The King is better, though his arm causes him much pain, but that is said to be a sign of cure. The Queen is pale as death, gentle as an angel and 316 courageous as a lion. It seems that the evidence which shows the assassin to have been affiliated to demagogue societies is so complete and so obvious that the theory of insanity has been gradually abandoned, and that a more serious attempt is being made to penetrate these bloodstained mysteries. The plot is growing clearer: the authorities think that they have more than one clue, but we are not energetic, nor are we capable of seizing the right opportunity. It is God alone who can help us, for certainly we do not help ourselves.

The two correspondents then met at Baden-Baden and their correspondence was interrupted until the month of August, when they again separated. When the Duchesse returned from her journey she had with her companion, Fräulein von Bodelschwing, a lady of Courlande, who was most loyal to her, and remained with her until her death.

Stuttgart, August 4, 1850.—After leaving the platform of Carlsruhe I slept in my carriage as far as Pforzheim, though I sometimes opened an eye to admire the beautiful country in the intervals of sleep. I arrived here at five o'clock amid fresh and smiling valleys. I drove in an open carriage to visit Schiller's monument which pleased me, and through the splendid park which adjoins the castle we then mounted to the little palace of Rosenstein. The situation and the view are splendid, but the palace is very poor. The pictures and statues are quite ordinary and the proportions insignificant. We returned by way of Canstadt and stopped at a mineral spring to taste the water, which I thought detestable. All this neighbourhood is very pretty and far superior, I think, to modest Carlsruhe. We were not allowed to see the Wilhelma, a Moorish garden and palace built by the reigning King, but as we went along the outer wall I was able to catch glimpses of it which consoled me for my inability to cross the threshold.

Ulm, August 5, 1850.—This morning, before leaving the capital of Würtemberg, I visited the chapter church which is interesting, as it contains the tombs of the first Counts of Würtemberg. I then went to the castle: the only part shown is that intended for receptions; we visited the stables 317 and the royal riding school where some Arab horses, newly arrived from their native sand, were being broken in. The heat was such that they might easily have thought themselves in their native climate. I was roasted by the time we reached the villa of the Prince Royal: it is not yet finished, but it will be delightful in the most beautiful renaissance style; it is admirably situated with splendid views, but there is no shade, the garden is badly laid out, and the scene is one of despairing sterility. A messenger from the King arrived bringing us written permission, for which we had not asked, to see the Wilhelma. We accordingly made our way there. There is a Moorish bath and hothouses for tropical plants which took my fancy. The garden is not entirely satisfactory. Generally speaking the Stuttgart gardeners do not seem to me to be very clever. The railway then took us through a fertile country well watered and wooded, full of ruins, churches and villages. Here we have come upon the Sänger-Vereine, [234] composed of thirteen hundred singers who blocked up the railway and the little winding streets of the old city of Ulm. We visited the cathedral which is very imposing, the town hall and the Gothic fountain, which are not without interest.

Augsburg, August 7, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday and saw nothing of the town except the part through which we passed. It seemed somewhat curious by reason of its old character as an imperial town in past times. The bronze fountains are very beautiful: there are Roman remains, a prison and a chapel, the scene of the martyrdom of Saint Affre. The hotel in which I am staying, the Three Moors, is the oldest in the whole of Germany, and I am on historical ground. I have seen the chapel in which Charles V. heard mass; the fireplace in which the rich weaver, Fugger, burnt the Imperial receipts, and in short everything that my head, which is swimming in the heat, can take in.

Münich, August 8, 1850.—I arrived here yesterday in the afternoon. I have visited the church of Saint-Louis which 318 reminds me of one of the side chapels in St. Peter's at Rome. I spent the rest of the day visiting the statues of Tilley and Wrede, the Street of Saint-Louis with all its buildings, and the castle garden which is surrounded by arcades painted in fresco. To-day at nine o'clock in the morning we started off and first went to the Frauenkirche where we heard mass, the sound of which came into my room, and was made irresistibly beautiful by the organ with its fine harmonies. We then hastened to the Leuchtenberg Gallery which is only open on special days at certain hours. I was attracted only by a very expressive portrait of Petrarch's Laura, painted by Bronzino; she is depicted half turning in a severe widow's dress, with noble and slightly sharp features and speaking eyes wide open and pure. I then saw an admirable picture by Murillo representing a monk kneeling before an angel who is conferring the bishop's mitre upon him: this is a marvellous composition, both for colouring and design, and as I have always had a great liking for Murillo, I was pleased by this further confirmation of my tastes. From the Leuchtenberg Palace I then went to the Basilica and was struck by the beauty of the frescoes, the richness of the marble and with the perfection both of the materials and of the workmanship. The Basilica has not yet been consecrated. The convent which King Ludwig has built for the Benedictines and which is joined to the Basilica by the crypt, is ready to receive the monks, but is not yet inhabited: the money has been all carried off by the wretched Lola Montes. As I came back I revisited the Church of Saint-Louis with its fourteen beautiful Stations of the Cross, each denoted by a fresco full of religious feeling: the Stations of the Cross in the open air are quite to my taste, and I greatly prefer them to those set up in the interior of churches which form an unpleasant interruption to the lines of pillars and columns. I was delighted to find that certain churches here, the new ones at least, have no chairs as in France and no pews as in Prussia. The Italian churches compel the congregation to kneel upon the flags, a more humble and picturesque position and infinitely more favourable to the architectural effect. Before coming in I saw the church of 319 the Theatins, the parish church for the Court: its rococo style of architecture is so rich as to attain a certain beauty. The church of Saint Michael is very ugly and decorated or rather degraded by horribly tawdry ornaments; but the carved tomb of Prince Eugène of Leuchtenberg [235] by Thorwaldsen interested me. Thus, I think I did a good day's work.

Münich, August 10, 1850.—Yesterday I made further explorations among the curiosities of Münich: I visited the Treasury, the chief rooms in the castle, the Hall of the Beauties, who are not beauties at all and look as if they were taken from fashion plates; the fine statues of Schwanthaler in the throne-room delighted me greatly. From the castle I visited the Artists' Tavern: there they meet every evening and drink together and discuss art. The tavern has been arranged in a special way recalling the fifteenth-century Guilds: every artist has contributed some original decoration to the place which, though small in size is most original in appearance; the drinking cups, with each member's name and arms, are neatly arranged upon brackets and shelves modelled and carved from their designs; on several objects the names of Cornelius, Kaulbach, Schwanthaler may be read; in fact the place is quite interesting. I also visited the porter and the tinsmith who make the beer jugs and vessels well known to Bavaria; the most original designs are to be seen, both graceful and grotesque. I also saw the chapel dedicated to All Saints which adjoins the castle, a handsome, noble building, slightly Oriental in style which seems to have been constructed and decorated on the model of St. Mark at Venice. We then drove outside the town to the October-Wiese, in the middle of which rises the great monument of Bavaria, a colossal bronze statue by Schwanthaler, surrounded on three sides by a splendid marble colonnade, above which the statue towers for thirty feet; the scaffolding has not yet been removed, but what I could see is 320 gigantic. As the weather was fine we went two leagues further in the direction of the Isar which flows down from the mountains to water the plain of Münich. A pretty wood led us to the foot of a Gothic castle which Schwanthaler had just finished building when death provided him with a more impregnable defence.

To-day I have visited the Glyptothek, the library and the beautiful palace of the Wittelsbach, [236] the winter residence of King Ludwig and Queen Theresa which was only completed last winter. We propose also to see the Pinacothek and the studio of Schwanthaler which his cousin carefully preserves and which is said to be interesting. This evening I shall see a fragment of Norma; and my visit to Münich will then be over. My expectations have been surpassed, my curiosity satisfied and my energies exhausted.

Salzburg, August 16, 1850.—I arrived here the day before yesterday after crossing a most beautiful and picturesque district in charming weather. I propose to plunge yet deeper into the mountains which shut in the town of Ischl. I have seen the cathedral, the Nonnenberg, with its old church and its noble convent, the fortress on its inaccessible rock, and the rooms which are being restored. I have visited Aigen where Cardinal Schwarzenberg is fond of retiring and which he left only ten days ago with great regret. I have seen the castle of Mirabelle and that of Heilbrunn, the beautiful and curious Anif, and finally the very original cemetery of St. Peter.

Ischl, August 17, 1850.—I am not particularly delighted by my stay here. The place upon my arrival seemed pretty enough while the air from the mountains which rise high and give excellent shelter on the north, must be delightful, but Ischl is full of people and, unfortunately, of people whom I know and who exact attention.

I hear from Paris that a crowd of legitimists are going to Wiesbaden to see the Comte de Chambord, and among others M. de La Ferté, son-in-law of M. Molé, who is said to have been specially sent by the Prince.

I have seen Louise Schönburg who is less uneasy on political 321 subjects and readier to accord fair treatment to her brother, Felix Schwarzenberg. She fears, however, that the Minister Bach is a traitor who is cutting the ground from beneath her brother's feet. This Minister Bach is the abomination, primarily of the Austrian lords, but also of all landowners whatever their rank. Countess Schönburg, chief lady to the Duchess Sophia, came to bring me an invitation to dinner to-morrow with her Imperial Highness. As it is the Emperor's birthday there will be a family dinner and I shall see them all, or nearly all of them, to-morrow.

Ischl, August 19, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that Potsdam has treated the Duc de Bordeaux with the most flattering attention and the most marked kindness, to the general and complete delight. [237] General Haynau and Mlle. Rachel have divided public attention: [238] the General is envious of the place given to the actress, and it is said that this rivalry has produced somewhat comical scenes; in any case people are much more quickly weary of military vanity than of stage vanity.

At dinner with the Archduchess yesterday I was the only stranger apart from the Royal Family and the officers on duty. The young Emperor looks very handsome; his brother Max, my neighbour at table, is very talkative, witty and agreeable. The old Archdukes are all very polite, and the Archduchess Sophia, as usual, is most pleasant and attractive. The Emperor's health was drunk, a salvo of guns was fired and the military band played the National 322 Anthem which was immediately taken up by the people assembled under the windows. At night the summits of the mountains and the town were illuminated with bonfires, with charming effect.

Ischl, August 21, 1850.—I have just come back from Aussee where the Binzer and Zedlitz families are settled in a most idyllic spot; beautiful situation, fresh meadows, picturesque lake, luxuriant trees and a neat, simple and convenient house of rustic form. The mother and the daughters superintend the small estate which the father cultivates himself, while Zedlitz writes verses, and while the armies of Italy and Hungary send him addresses and pieces of gold plate. One son draws beautifully and two of his friends carve and paint; they work at the decoration of this pretty abode, on the walls of which graceful frescoes represent the chief scenes from the poems of Zedlitz. In the evening young and old row about on the lake, singing Tyrolese and German ballads, French romances and Spanish boleros. Their residence is shut in by a valley, difficult to reach and rarely penetrated by echoes of the outer world. It is a dream, or better, a fiction within the sphere of reality.

Vienna, August 23, 1850.—I arrived here two hours ago literally roasted and overwhelmed by twelve hours on board a steamboat in African heat. The little boat was crammed, and though the banks of the Danube are sometimes picturesque and populous, I did not think them as interesting as the Rhine between Mayence and Cologne.

Vienna, August 25, 1850.—The extent of human folly is inconceivable: the King of Denmark has now made a large addition to it by his ignoble morganatic marriage. Yesterday brought the news of his abdication. [239]

I have a number of letters to-day from every direction. Madame de la Redorte writes from the Pyrenees where she seems to be mistaking boredom for depression, two very 323 different things. Madame Mollien writes from Claremont to say that she will soon return to France; she seems to think that Louis Philippe will not last much longer as he is at the end of his strength. There was a proposal to take him to Richmond, but the Duchesse d'Aumale has had a miscarriage which has delayed their removal: apparently every member of the family is now asking what he is to do, what path he can pursue, or what policy he can adopt upon the passing away of the old leader, who is said to have become as irritable in temper as he is weak in health. This is a sad end to a career of contrasts, on which history will probably pronounce a severe judgment as a whole. The man who takes an orphan's place should either be able to hold it, or should perish in defending it. Queen Marie Amélie is said to be more saintly, more resigned, more courageous, and more admirable than ever.

There is little political talk here; even revolution has not destroyed a certain frivolous habit of gossip which is not displeasing when it is not overdone. However, people are generally satisfied with the unusual vigour which the Dresden Cabinet has displayed for the last few months: this is attributed to the Minister, Count Beust, who has adopted energetic measures and has expelled twenty malcontent professors from the university of Leipzig at one stroke. [240]

Yesterday I visited the Lichtenstein palace, so fabulous for its magnificence. At the same time whatever income may be forthcoming, to spend eighty thousand florins upon a single chandelier is unpardonable. However, there is more to admire than to criticise in this fine work of modern luxury.

Vienna, August 31, 1850.—A rumour is in circulation here that King Louis Philippe is dead. I have not heard whether the news is authentic or not. [241] Vienna, notwithstanding 324 recent catastrophes, has taken remarkably little part in political life, and the Prater, the theatre, and gossip are the dominant occupations now as formerly. I went to see the church of St. Stefan again which always makes a great impression upon me. I also looked in at the graceful and remarkable church of Maria Steig, adjoining the Convent of the Ligurians who were driven out by the Revolution of 1848.

Sagan, September 5, 1850.—I have made an excursion by way of Dornbach which belongs to Princess Lory Schwarzenberg, and through Felsberg and Eisgrub which belongs to the Lichtensteins. Princess Lory Schwarzenberg does the honours of her delightful villa most agreeably; the site and the view are alike charming. Felsberg is a winter establishment, shut in, warm, sheltered and rather gloomy; there is plenty of room, but the apartments are ill-proportioned and the garden is insignificant. There is a fine chapel, a pretty theatre room, many family portraits, and some old furniture of curious form and date. The most striking part of the house is the rooms of Prince Eugène of Savoy which he occupied when he went hunting with his friend Prince Lichtenstein. Eisgrub is a dainty, gay, and well-cared-for estate, with a large park which adjoins the woods, in a country covered with lakes and full of every kind of game. The kennels, the stables, and the riding-school are all arranged in English style.

We nearly had a serious accident on the railway: it was dark, and a peasant's horse escaped from his field and lay down across the rails; the train passed over it at full speed and killed the animal; the consequence was such a shock in our carriage that we were thrown from one side to the other. The train was stopped and help was brought, but we eventually came through without further disaster, apart from a great fright.

Sagan, September 12, 1850.—I am glad to hear that the newspaper reports were once more false which said that the Duchesse d'Orléans had summoned Thiers to her.

The newspapers relate a terrible scene of demonstration 325 against General Haynau at London, which is hardly consistent with the much boasted hospitality of mighty Albion. [242]

Sagan, September 16, 1850.—I have just received a letter from M. de Salvandy dated from the Hague on the 10th of the month. He says that he is on his way from London to Frohsdorff to perform a mission. From his letter I should think that he is a somewhat important figure in the negotiations which he seems to have undertaken officiously and officially; which is the more correct adverb I cannot discover from his complicated account.

The Queen of the Belgians is dying. [243] Poor Queen Marie Amélie, she has been indeed a mater dolorosa.

Berlin, October 15, 1850.—The political horizon in Berlin has grown no clearer, but things have reached so critical a point that the clouds must necessarily disperse a few weeks hence, either under a ray of sunlight from Warsaw [244] or by the detonation of cannon. The matter will be decided by the will of the autocrat. Herr von Brandenburg is going there to-morrow: he is taking his wife who was a friend of the Empress in her youth, and has remained on intimate terms ever since; much reliance is here set upon female effusions and emotions to which the Emperor is very amenable. Prince Schwarzenberg is reaching Warsaw on the 20th, and the Austrian Emperor will be there two days 326 later. The diplomatic body here is glad to see Radowitz at the Ministry, as he seemed to be playing a yet more dangerous part behind the scenes. It is thought that he will repudiate official responsibility for his acts, and it is hoped that the report he will be obliged to give the Chambers will make him timid. At any rate, we shall know much sooner and much more definitely upon what we can rely, and anything seems better than the state of suspense in which Germany is gradually being worn out in every direction.

Sagan, October 2, 1850.—Madame Mollien writes to say that the sainted Queen Marie Amélie said after her daughter's death, "I have only been placed in this world to send souls to God." She thinks nothing of herself, and disasters great or small do not affect her; she thinks only of encouraging, consoling and strengthening those about her. She is indeed a saint.

Humboldt tells me that he saw Salvandy for a moment; he was delighted with Frohsdorff and exasperated with Claremont.

Sagan, October 26, 1850.—As long as the Warsaw meeting continues no correct idea can be gained of the probable results. Brandenburg and Paskewitch have been received with great attention.

General Changarnier has been devoted to the Duchesse d'Orléans for a long time, in my opinion. From the outset of her exile she took particular pains to win him over by correspondence addressed to a third person but intended for the General, who invariably read it. By this means the Princesse succeeded in gaining his adherence, and he may certainly be regarded as a pure Orléanist. The success of Salvandy at Claremont and Frohsdorff means nothing so long as the Duchesse d'Orléans is in any way opposed to coalition; as long as she can rely upon Thiers, or thinks that she can count upon Changarnier, she will stand aloof, in spite of the fact that the death of the Queen of the Belgians has removed her chief supporter in that family. I have ventured to send her a letter of condolence upon this loss; it affects her much more deeply than the loss of her father-in-law, for 327 the latter was of no importance to her; on the whole I am almost inclined to believe that Queen Marie Amélie herself is even more heartbroken by the loss of her daughter than by the death of her husband, who must have been a considerable source of perplexity on many occasions since February 24, 1848.

Sagan, November 4, 1850.—Yesterday's newspapers announce an important event, the resignation of Radowitz, which was offered and accepted, after a long council following upon the conference at Warsaw: his retirement offers every prospect of peace, and may Heaven grant that those prospects continue. If Radowitz, Bunsen, and the lame Arnim had not been members of the King's council, many miseries and calamities would have been avoided. I have always been afraid of Bunsen, as his action in conjunction with Lord Palmerston can never be anything but mischievous.

Sagan, November 6, 1850.—Here we have been lashed by a tempest which has threatened to overwhelm us for the last two days. At Berlin tempests of another sort have terrified every one. The retirement of Radowitz which, alas! I cannot yet regard as positive, the serious, and perhaps fatal illness of Brandenburg, the resignation of Ladenberg, the appeal of Bernstorff, the ill-temper of the Prince of Prussia, the King's agitation, the general uneasiness, the meeting of the Chambers on the 21st, and the continued military preparations both here and in Austria are events quite sufficient to produce utter despondency or feverish excitement in every mind.

Sagan, November 8, 1850.—We are passing through dark days. Just at the time when Count Brandenburg had gained a hearing for his pacific views he fell ill and died. Radowitz is certainly going to Erfurt, but Ladenberg is returning to the council, and orders are published to make every preparation for war. The Prussian railway of Kosel has received orders to carry no more Austrian troops from Cracow to Troppau. Bernstorff, who had been summoned to Berlin to take the place of Radowitz, has received orders not to come; and Erfurt is very near Sans Souci! Dresden is delighted by the possibility of war, as it hopes to reconquer 328 the parts of Saxony which were acquired by Prussia in 1814. Silesia will be the first province invaded by the Austrians or occupied by the Cossacks. Count Brandenburg died in consequence of overstrain during the last two years of the acrimonious scenes through which he had to live at Warsaw, of the very stormy discussion which took place in the council on his return, and also of a chill which followed this hurricane. An important despatch came in during the night and he got up to reply to it: he was immediately taken with a shivering fit and was carried off with a gastric fever complicated with gout; he was bled and given an emetic most inadvisedly, so people say. It is possible, but doctors seem to me to be nothing but the agents of Providence; they cure or kill according to the completion which the sick man's task has reached. This death deprives the King of one of his most loyal and disinterested servants. The hand of Fate is obvious in all these events and produces general despondency and consternation.

Sagan, November 11, 1850.—Every hour brings us nearer to a decision by bloodshed. We thought that peace was at hand and suddenly the army is mobilised. The Landwehr has been called out, to the great disturbance of civil administration, agriculture, manufacture, and private life; several of my workmen, servants, and keepers have been obliged to go off; horses have been requisitioned and my stable has just been decimated. I hear from Berlin that war is not yet inevitable, but every hour makes it more probable, and for what reason, in Heaven's name? Because those who relied upon boasting and trickery have at length been caught in their own snares. The end of the week must see the final solution of the question. Heaven grant that the wind of peace may blow in this direction.

Sagan, November 13, 1850.—The first collision between the Prussians and the Austro-Bavarians has already taken place near Fulda. [245] The official or Ministerial gazette die 329 Deutsche Reform, which appears twice daily at Berlin, brought me the news. It says that the Prussians were the first to fire; that the Austrians had not even loaded their guns, so that several were wounded and were unable to defend themselves; that a misunderstanding was the cause of the conflict; and that after this skirmish the Prussian General, von Gröben, fell back beyond Fulda. The account is preceded by a very pacific leading article. Meanwhile it seems that Bernstorff has actually gone to Berlin, but only for the purpose of refusing the Ministerial post which had been offered to him. Confusion is thus complete. Since the trumpet-blast of war resounded, every one is absorbed by the thoughts, the predictions, and the arrangements which so engrossing an occurrence naturally produces. However, I have decided not to stir from here; I think it is bad policy to abandon one's home in the hour of danger, and a course of action which is almost always regretted.

Sagan, November 15, 1850.—My brother-in-law came back yesterday from Berlin where he had left a state of peace. The King had visited the Austrian Minister; a long explanation took place which began with some temper and afterwards grew calm. Eventually they separated in mutual satisfaction. I can only pray that nothing but good may result from this explanation and that no further clouds will come to obscure the horizon. Radowitz has so infuriated the Prince of Prussia that in a council held upon the return of the Count of Brandenburg from Warsaw in which Radowitz preached peace, the Prince accused him of treachery to his country in no measured terms. The poor Count felt this reproach so deeply that it is generally thought to have been the cause of his death. The fact remains that in his delirium this scene was continually before his mind and caused him the greatest uneasiness. It reminds me of the quarrel between the Dauphin and Marshal Marmont at Saint-Cloud in the month of July 1830.

Austria is willing to regard the attack near Fulda as due to chance and not as inspired by any premeditation. 330 Both sides seem anxious to pursue peace, and Austria is sensible enough to lend herself to anything that will shield Prussian pride during this forced retreat. The Austrians have resolved to send twenty-five thousand men to Schleswig-Holstein to finish the difficulties there. The most troublesome point between Vienna and Berlin is Hanover. Austria wishes that Hanover should give free passage to her troops, while Berlin is anxious that Hanover should not grant this concession. I think this is the only outstanding point which could throw us back into the anguish of war.

I am very curious to know what impression Madame Swetchine has made upon you. [246] She is old and ugly but clever and well educated, pleasant and insinuating, and entirely suited for the profession she has followed for the last thirty years. I have been always surprised that those who are religious by profession and who should always be considering their own consciences, should yet find so much time to deal with the consciences of others.

Sagan, November 18, 1850.—For several days the chances have been in favour of peace. Apparently the conferences which are to settle the fate of Germany will be begun at Dresden on December 1, and Russia undertakes the guarantee which Austria and Prussia simultaneously claim, while the disarmament of the two Powers will go on simultaneously, if agreed upon. [247] At the same time, we cannot absolutely deny every possibility of war. The Democratic party, for instance, which is fairly strong in the Chambers to be opened on the 21st; the personal ambitions of those who do not belong to this party, but who are foolish enough to think that if they join its shouts for war they will be able to muzzle it afterwards; personal hatred, foolish vanity, patriots with their silly love of glory and all that is most inappropriately termed the national honour, are influences now working, and Manteuffel is obliged to maintain the struggle alone. He is accused of having already sold himself to Russia and to 331 Austria! Perhaps the forces which France, according to the newspapers, is sending to the banks of the Rhine, will provide food for reflection.

Sagan, November 29, 1850.—The Minister, Manteuffel, left Berlin yesterday to keep an appointment with Prince Schwarzenberg; [248] there is no reason to suppose that this interview will further the cause of peace. It is also said that the Chambers will be prorogued. Whatever solution may be attained, every one must be prepared.

Sagan, December 1, 1850.—All the railways are crowded by troop trains, and in spite of this military energy, which continues to increase, people are still betting that peace will be secured. Baron Manteuffel passed near here a few hours ago in a special train for Berlin; in this railway carriage our destinies are contained. [249] Baron von Meyendorff was present at the interview, and doubtless his influence was weighty and helped to turn the scale. I have also been told that the Elector of Hesse is helping to simplify the matter by declaring that he has no wish for either Austrian or Prussian help, and is capable of reducing his subjects to obedience unaided.

The castle court is full of waggons, carriages, and horses; the castle is full of officers of high rank, and the villages are full of soldiers; everything is in a bustle; drums are beating, trumpets sounding, and yet the whole may be nothing more than a military parade at once ridiculous and burdensome.

Sagan, December 3, 1850.—Letters and newspapers from France have not come in for several days; this delay is doubtless due to the movements of the troops, which have delayed and disorganised both the regularity and the safety of the railways. Such irregularity in the delivery of letters 332 is a misfortune which I feel deeply at this moment, which is a serious time for me in every respect, as my house has just been the scene of a tragedy. One of the officers of high rank—a talented man, and much esteemed in the army, rich and respected—has blown out his brains in consequence of some service dispute. He had dined with me a few hours previously, and gave no sign that he had determined on the fatal act. He has left a letter in which he explains his motives for this action, and the arrangements he desires to be made. In it he thanks me for my kindly welcome, and apologises for the act which he was proposing to commit under my hospitable roof. This event has affected us all deeply. The poor man has just been buried amid the universal regret of the detachment; the funeral was not carried out with military honours on account of the suicide, but it was honoured by the tears of all those who had served with and under the deceased man.

To-day we shall know how the Chambers have welcomed the arrangement which Manteuffel and Schwarzenberg have agreed upon; the matter must have been discussed yesterday. A stormy and hostile feeling prevailed, and in any case the contest will have been keen. Herr von Ladenberg had offered his resignation, as he declines peace at any price. If the Chambers show themselves too intractable, will the authorities have the courage to dissolve them, and exercise the rights of making peace and war which the Constitution guarantees to the King, or will they yield before the outcries of the democracy and their dupes who fill the Prussian Chambers? That is the question. One might bet with equal certainty upon either issue, so impossible is it to rely upon a consistent or regular policy when definite resolutions are required.

I have a letter from Potsdam, dated November 30, from which the following is an extract: "Our excellent Sovereign has seemed greatly depressed during the illness and the death of Count Brandenburg, the fall of Radowitz, the keen discussions with the Prince of Prussia, and the determination to mobilise the army; but he has shown keen repugnance for 333 the Gerlach party, [250] and for Herr von Manteuffel, and great exasperation at the insulting threats of Russia to occupy the eastern province as Hesse is occupied. Then, after a terrible inward struggle, the King has recovered his calm with reference to the arrangements for peace, and has become almost affectionate towards Herr von Manteuffel; he has also resolved to send him with the Prince of Schwarzenberg. The King hopes to preserve peace."

I have also another letter which says: "The Russian Court has officially notified the other Courts of its strict neutrality in purely German affairs, though this does not apply to the Holstein affair. On this question the reserve is made that if any one Power should claim to prevent the passage of Federal troops, Russia would oppose such claim by force. The London and Paris Cabinets had recognised the same right in the case of Denmark, and have undertaken to leave Russia a free hand. The King of Denmark asked the Emperor Nicholas for twelve thousand men, and the Emperor replied that he would send a hundred and twenty thousand."

Sagan, December 5, 1850.—The following are some details which reached me from an authentic source: Baron Manteuffel arrived on Thursday, November 28, at five o'clock in the evening, at Olmütz, and the conference between himself and Prince Schwarzenberg immediately began and lasted till half-past twelve. The first interview led to no result, and Manteuffel declared his intention of leaving the place an hour later by the night train; Prince Schwarzenberg made no offer to detain him; on the contrary, he rang the bell and ordered the carriage to take the Baron back to the station; at that moment Herr von Meyendorff intervened, and begged the two diplomatic champions to make trial of a second interview the next day. Schwarzenberg and Manteuffel consented, and their conference was resumed the next morning at nine o'clock 334 and continued till five in the evening. The former had spoken in the course of the previous evening with such frankness concerning the equivocal policy of Prussia, that Herr von Manteuffel was obliged to tell him that he could not listen to such language. During the second interview he showed more self-control and more readiness to make concessions, and eventually the conference ended in the following result: Prussia will occupy the military road in Hesse, but will allow the Austrian troops to make use of it for the pacification of the country; Cassel is to have a garrison composed partly of Austrians and partly of Prussians; the domestic affairs of Hesse are to be arranged by two Commissioners appointed by Austria and Prussia; the question of Schleswig will also be discussed by two Commissioners, representing each of the great Powers; Denmark and Holland will be requested to reduce their military forces by two-thirds, and if it should be necessary to bring up troops to secure this result, Austria declares herself indifferent upon the question as to which Power is to undertake the operation; in such an event she will allow Prussia to take the matter in hand alone or to entrust the task to one of the other Powers in the Germanic Confederation. The general interests of Germany are to be discussed in the free conferences held at Dresden. Prince Schwarzenberg had given no clear explanation of the basis upon which he will regard these interests as established, but he has consented that the Frankfort Diet should be suspended while the Dresden conferences are in progress. Stipulations have also been made that Prussia should set the example of disarmament, but that the moment when disarmament is to be begun shall depend upon the will of the King of Prussia. This latter article is, I think, kept strictly secret. The King has shown great satisfaction with these results; however, he could not help saying aloud at table that Manteuffel had only secured what Radowitz, the most German of all his Ministers, had demanded.

In the Prussian Chambers discussion had been marked 335 by strong and violent feeling. The result has been an adjournment till January 3. Embarrassment will arise in Parliament on the question of money. Will the Chambers vote the money which has been expended in preparations now found to be useless? It is thought that they will not. There is talk of a direct appeal from the King to the Powers and to the goodwill of his subjects. We shall see what effect will be produced upon the provinces and the country at large by the return of the Deputies to their homes during the month of adjournment. This period will probably be spent in every kind of intrigue and in stirring public feeling, and as such efforts can be complicated by representing the pecuniary sacrifice as pure loss, very unpleasant incidents may be the consequence. We are thus entering upon a new phase.

Sagan, December 9, 1850.—At the present moment all eyes are turned to Dresden. In five days the conferences are to be opened, and as these poor provinces have been exhausted by the concentration of the troops, it is of urgent importance that the disarmament should be quickly begun; they can no longer maintain the troops upon a war footing, as they will be literally ruined by them if they are not turned into an enemy's country.

Sagan, December 11, 1850.—Count Stolberg, the son of the former Minister, who is stationed at a neighbouring hamlet and has just arrived from Berlin, came to dine here and spend the evening. He is well informed of the course of events at Sans Souci. He has assured me that the authorities have decided to carry matters to extremes with the Chambers if they do not show themselves tractable upon their return. A dissolution will then take place, and as a more amenable Chamber is not probable under the present detestable electoral law, there is an idea of modifying this law by a coup d'état, or an attempt will be made to do without the Chambers by means of a temporary dictatorship, or by an appeal to the people. I must confess that I have great doubts whether the authorities have sufficient courage to carry matters with so high a hand; 336 at the same time, I must admit that things have reached the stage at which we must either pass under the pitiless yoke of the democracy or take the bull by the horns.

Sagan, December 18, 1850.—The Dresden conferences have been adjourned to the 23rd, and there is no idea of disarmament upon any serious scale until their decisions are known. The state of war continues with disastrous results. Those who complain are told that effective remonstrance can only be made under arms. However, to soothe the feelings of Austria, the newspapers publish announcements that the disarmament is beginning, which is only true to a very small extent.

Sagan, December 22, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that the Cabinet has been completed and strengthened with Conservative elements; a good sign, but I shall require twelve signs, like those of the Zodiac, to give me any confidence in their consistency.

Berlin, December 28, 1850.—News from Berlin is entirely peaceful. Schwarzenberg has been received with many marks of distinction, though the troops are still kept under arms. The officers now say that the war footing is continued in agreement with Russia and Austria in order to reduce the little recalcitrant States who look for French support. We shall see.

APPENDIX

337

I
MADEMOISELLE RACHEL

From Sketches and Portraits by M. de La Rochefoucauld, Duc de Doudeauville, vol. ii. p. 307 ff, edition of 1844

You have asked me for your portrait, Rachel; do you really wish to know yourself, or have you yielded only to the desires of Madame Récamier? In any case your request is a challenge, and I am too French to be able to decline it; but do not accuse me of foolish presumption or of cruel frankness. There is sadness and melancholy in the depths of your heart, but you prefer to delude yourself concerning its needs. You might be the most accomplished and the most remarkable character of our age, or leave your true friends under a sense of profound regret; that choice is before you. The most exquisite polish of manner is as essential a part of your character as talent. Talent and yourself are inseparable, but in return for these superior powers, have you any thought, any fervour, any gratitude to the Eternal who has given them to you? It was impossible for a poor observer like myself to meet you without studying you with extreme interest. I would have laid aside my pen, but you order and I must obey and my pen will chronicle good and evil, perfections and deficiencies. I could wish you were perfect, Rachel, in every respect, and that you would trample beneath your pretty feet all that could stain your lofty nature. You are your own work and no one can boast of what is your success. The true and the beautiful have been your only masters. No one knows you 338 well, child as you are, thrown into the world without experience and feeling everything with an intensity that is with difficulty repressed. You are one of those chosen natures which sometimes come down to earth by sudden transition; a creature of instinct that knows without learning and understands without study. You study little, but you think deeply and feel more deeply. You have a power of energy and enthusiasm which sometimes frightens you: to great loftiness of mind you add a charming lack of restraint which is sometimes not sufficiently repressed. You can dominate yourself, but you have not yet learnt how to conquer yourself. You have nothing to learn, for you have understood the world as clearly as the theatre and are perfect upon either stage; but when you are tired of putting constraint upon yourself, you sometimes forget the spectators who observe you. Not without anxiety do your admirers see your heart and soul expand too freely. For you the stage is a passion, and glory is your sole object. Your mind is unduly refined, your character vastly distinguished, and exquisite taste is native to you. Greater nobility and dignity cannot be seen at the theatre than you display; you are more than an admirable actor, you are the character in person as it is felt and imagined to be. You then rise to the full height of your fine talents, and your simple and expressive gestures are never exaggerated. Those who criticise you unjustly should rather be astonished by the height of perfection and truth which you have been able to attain since the outset of your career, and should leave to your admirable instinct the task of correcting the slight imperfections which are due to your inexperience of passion. Your soul is an abyss into which you fear to descend: your head is aflame with feeling, your heart is a touchstone which tries every sentiment; you fear danger without attempting to avoid it, and if excitement wears you out, it pleases you. Your beliefs are restricted, and you take men only for what they are worth. You are trustful but not blindly so, and you can be carried away without conviction. You can please, but can you love? It is to be feared that those who feel only the passions of others, for that very reason never attain the passion that they so perfectly express, and which in the world as in the theatre lasts so short a time. Thus privileged you might be sublime. Be not content to remain the most perfect actor that the stage and the world 339 have ever produced. Vexation stirs you, obstacles disgust you, and constraint wearies you, but the trick of counterfeiting feeling has become so natural to you that we rather divine than see your impressions. In your face, as in the whole of your being, there is a delicacy and certainty of expression full of charm. Greater daintiness of bearing, greater distinction of manner, greater tact in conversation or greater soundness of judgment, no one could possess: to invincible perseverance you add an iron will and are able to attack great difficulties by force of character as well as by originality. Every new part is for you the material for a triumph, of which you are happy without being proud, and your modesty justifies your success. When you cannot solve a problem, you outflank it with admirable skill; you are a perfect improvisor, and though we never know what you will say, you always say what should be said. An opinion of you formed in society from first impressions would quote you as the model of all women; but be not content to become an admirable actress, become a perfect model in all respects. To restore the dignity of the theatre by showing that passions can be expressed but need not be felt, would be a true glory and one which you are worthy to claim. Insensible to vulgar sentiment, you can appreciate deserved praise. You have an excellent judgment of those who speak to you and can follow good advice. You read the minds of others with exquisite tact: flattery would leave you untouched but passion stirs you; sincere praise arouses in you the ambition to deserve it, unjust criticism shocks you and you prefer to ignore it. Lively, impressionable, and even imperious, you are nervous, changeable and irascible under your outward calm, and rather passionate than capable of deep feeling. Your genius is as great as your instinct and you will always remain yourself without attempting to imitate any one. Sublime is a great word, Rachel, and to deserve it you must reach perfection. The term has been justly applied to you when you play certain parts in which you are inimitable. Desire that that term should be applicable to your life, and if any obstacle should check your path to sublimity, take breath and resume your progress to the pinnacle of glory. Neglect no tendril of your crown as a woman, and if it is your pleasure to collect wreaths of laurel, disdain not the spray of lilies which contrasts with them so finely. I am no prophet and even less a flatterer, but of all 340 those who have met you, I am perhaps the one who has best understood your position, and my frankness is the irrevocable proof of my esteem. You will be astonished by these words and perhaps be angry, but you will feel no grudge against me, for your mind is too great not to love the truth. But you will think that I am not every one, and that is indeed a valid argument when I am confronted by you who resemble no one. Your genius is depicted on your expressive countenance, and to see you is to know you, for those at least who can study you. Complete frankness is difficult towards one who must be ever self-observant. Your look is piercing and attempts to read the depths of the heart, but if your words are sweet your thoughts are often bitter. What might you be if you had the courage to abandon all these delusions and to seek realities? Ever the perfection of grace upon the stage, you are no less graceful in society, nor does any one appear there with greater charm, distinction and simplicity. You are welcomed and noticed wherever you go; all seek your society, but you have too much pride and real dignity to desire a fleeting success. Your look sometimes expresses madness, passion, extravagance and delirium, and when you feel this, your eyelids droop and immediately restore the greatest calm and sweetness to your face. You are a most exceptional person, difficult to know and yet more difficult to explain. Too much severity towards you would be an injustice; we may be afraid of the dangers which surround you, but your destiny alone can be blamed for them. Who else in your place would have been what you are? And how many obstacles must you not have overcome to attain so fair a result? Everywhere around you are flatterers, admirers, courtiers, adorers, and no support, no real friend. How can you safely avoid these many rocks and reefs? If, however, you understand the high and noble mission to which you are called by the world and by your surprising success, you will never be unequal to your task however difficult it may appear. Talent is all that is usually asked from an artist, but more is asked from you. We wish you to be worthy of your renown, worthy of yourself, and, in short, to be that which you must be to justify the esteem which you inspire. Such demands are entirely an honour, for they show that you are appreciated. Remember that if you do much for the world, the world has done much to support you against envy, at the 341 beginning of your career. Do not fall beneath its hopes and your destiny will be truly great, your life worthy of envy, and you will hold the fairest place in the whole of dramatic history, for the historian will be able to say: Rachel has shown that purity of heart and soul are the food of genius and the best source of real talent. Yes, Rachel, it is my real belief that you will offer the world that has adopted you nobility and generosity of conduct in return for its benefits. As you are endowed with so much energy, can you lack energy in well-doing? No, for you portray virtue too eloquently not to love it. At twenty years life is beginning and your life must be unparalleled. Live, therefore, so that you can always meet the severest eyes and never be like those debtors who do not pay their debts. Continue, in short, to be one of those brilliant personages of whom our country is proud, but whom it has the right to question.

342

II

Note by M. de Bacourt on the conversation of the Comte d'Artois and Prince Talleyrand.

("Memoirs of Prince Talleyrand," vol. i. Appendix to the first part.)

We wish to add to this passage [251] certain details which M. de Talleyrand had omitted or perhaps forgotten. It is certain that at the time to which this passage refers [252] M. de Talleyrand had several interviews with the Comte d'Artois in which he tried to convince the Prince of the necessity for vigorous measures; while supporting the concessions which the King had already made, he urged the energetic repression of the popular agitations which were of daily occurrence and had already stained the streets of the capital with blood. The most important and the last of these interviews took place at Marly on the night of the 16th and 17th of July, 1789, a few hours before the Prince left France. When M. de Talleyrand appeared at the house of the Comte d'Artois the Prince was already in bed, but none the less urged him to come in. The conversation lasted for more than two hours, and M. de Talleyrand again explained the dangers of the situation and begged the Prince to communicate them to the King. The Comte d'Artois in much agitation rose and went to the King, and after a lengthy absence he came back to tell M. de Talleyrand that nothing could be done with the King, 343 who had resolved to yield rather than to shed a drop of blood by resisting the popular demonstrations. "As for me," added the Comte d'Artois, "I have made up my mind that I shall leave France to-morrow morning." M. de Talleyrand vainly urged the Prince to abandon this resolution, pointing out the difficulties and dangers in which it might involve him and showing how it might prejudice his own rights and those of his children in the future. The Comte d'Artois persisted and M. de Talleyrand eventually said, "Then, my Lord, it only remains for each of us to think of his own interests, as the King and the Prince are deserting theirs and those of the monarchy." "That," replied the Prince, "is precisely what I should advise you to do. Whatever may happen I shall never be able to blame you, and you can always rely upon my friendship." The Comte d'Artois left the country the next day.

In the month of April 1814, M. de Talleyrand, who had become President of the Provisional Government, was able to tell the Comte d'Artois, who was then at Nancy awaiting events, that Louis XVIII. had been called to the throne, and that the Prince had been invited to go to Paris to take the post of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom. He commissioned the Baron de Vitrolles with this message; when the Baron was on the point of departure, while the Prince's despatch was being sealed, M. de Talleyrand walked about with him in the hall of his residence in the Rue St. Florentin and told him the story of the interview of July 16, 1789. He then said, "Oblige me by asking the Comte d'Artois if he remembers this little incident."

M. de Vitrolles, after delivering this important message, asked the Prince M. de Talleyrand's question and received this reply: "I remember the incident perfectly, and M. de Talleyrand's account is entirely correct."

As we were informed that M. de Vitrolles had related this anecdote to several people, we thought it our duty to appeal to his memory and his loyalty; to justify this expression of loyalty it must be said that after the revolution of July 1830 M. de Vitrolles had broken off his relations with M. de Talleyrand and had criticised his actions very severely. Hence the tone of hostility and bitterness which is perceptible in the letter from M. de Vitrolles which we propose to insert here; we think that this hostility will be nothing but a guarantee both for the 344 reader and for ourselves, of the sincerity with which M. de Vitrolles has made his declaration, and of the authenticity of the passage in the Memoirs of M. de Talleyrand. The slight differences which will be noticed in the story as given by M. de Talleyrand and as it appears in the letter from M. de Vitrolles can be naturally explained as the result of lapse of time which has affected the memories of the two narrators. The fact, however, remains certain that M. de Talleyrand in July 1789 believed that the revolutionary movement could be stopped, was strong enough to say what he thought and bold enough to undertake the task of checking it. He is not, perhaps, the only man who boasted of it later, but we think that we have shown at least that he did not boast wrongly. The following is the letter from M. de Vitrolles:

BIOGRAPHICAL INDEX

347

[The names followed by an asterisk (*) are those which have been already given with more details in the Biographical Index to vol. I.; those followed by two asterisks (**) have been given in vol. II.]

A

B

C

D

E

F

369

G

H

I

J

K

L

M

N

O

P

Q

R

S

T

U

V

W

Z

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